The teachers, members of the Independent Education Union, have raised concerns about growing waves of anti-Muslim sentiment directed a5t schools, including racist graffiti, attacks on students and letters to principals saying that "all Muslims should die".
IEU organiser Anastasia Polities says the union's Muslim teacher members are fantastic trade unionists who are prepared to stand up for their industrial rights.
"That these workers should be the target of such attacks is a national shame," Polities says. "We as unionists have a responsibility to change people's attitudes to racism."
Meeting for Common Position on US Response
Meanwhile, a meeting of Labor Council affiliates has been called to consider a movement-wide position on the United States' response to the terrorist strikes.
The meeting was called after Labor Council was approached to endorse a letter to the US Administration expressing sorrow for the attacks but cautioning against "rash and counterproductive steps in retaliation for these attacks".
CFMEU official Graham Childs says with the prospect of Australia being placed on a war footing, the issue of such significance that the union movement should have a unified voice.
"Debate within the movement on this issue is important," Childs says. "We cannot remain silent at a time like this."
Workers joined ACTU President Sharan Burrow in demanding Howard publicy state whether he was with them or against them after failing to commit federal funds to rescuing the once great national carrier.
Funds from the Carr Government have assisted in getting Ansett subsidiary Hazelton back in the air servicing key regional and rural routes for the first time since the airline's receivers closed operations last week. This means 3,000 of Ansett's 17,000 are back at work - at least for a week.
Talks are also underway with Qantas to lease ten jets, although Burrow criticised Qantas management for "playing hardball" and putting their desire to win market share from Ansett ahead of their desire to get Ansett planes back in the air.
But the rally's anger was focused on the Howard Government's role and its failure to assist the airline head of administration.
Burrow called on the Prime Minister to convene a meeting of all the stakeholders, including shareholders, the unions and the administrator and devise a plan to get Ansett back into the air.
More than 2,000 Ansett workers cheered Burrow and range of rank and file speakers and were entertained by crooner Frank Bennett who performed the Gary Toomey medley - comprising versions of 'Would I Lie to You', 'Kiss Me, Son of God' and 'Creep', along with Craig Armitage who had penned a version of 'Down Under' for the Ansett workers.
Marginal Seat Campaign
Burrow told the Ansett workers of ACTU plans to pursue the Howard Government in marginal seats in the lead-up to the federal election.
The ACTU has already drawn up a list of seats that will be impacted by the withdrawal of Ansett services in all states and territories. These are: Gwydir, Parkes, Page, Calare, Farrer and Eden-Monaro in NSW, Kalgoorlie, Forrest and O'Connor in WA, Grey and Barker in SA, the new seat of Lingiari in the NT, McMillan and Gippsland in Victoria, Kennedy, Maranoa, Capricornia, Liechhardt and Wide Bay in Qld and Bass in Tasmania.
Burrow urged all Ansett workers to get out in their communities and tell their story to the Australian public. And she was backed by Ansett worker Marlene Marshall, a long-time Liberal voter, who said the Prime Minister had lost her vote over his mishandling of the collapse.
Solidarity From New Zealand Workers
The rally also heard words of support and solidarity from New Zealand workers, delivered in person by Andrew little from the Engineers Union.
Little said the actions of Air New Zealand was the type of corporate immorality that New Zealanders were used to - but something they did not want to export across the Tasman.
"Working Kiwis up and down the country are feeling a sense of shame at what has happened," he said.
Burrow stressed that the NZ Council of Trade Unions had been working closely with the ACTU to ensure that Air New Zealand meets its responsibility to Ansett workers.
An August 14 letter from Air New Zealand Chairman Dr Jim Farmer to John Howard makes a mockery of the Government's claims it was ignorant of the crisis facing Ansett and raise serious questions about the Howard Government's commitment to get Ansett flying again.
"This letter makes a number of things very clear," ACTU Secretary Greg Combet says.
"One - John Anderson and his department met with representatives of Air New Zealand on several occasions prior to August 14 and had been provided with financial information regarding the 'very serious losses of Ansett'.
Other documents also confirm that John Anderson was told in June that Ansett was losing $18 million a week.
"Two - John Anderson's continued support for the Qantas plan to buy into Air New Zealand was a significant impediment to a resolution to Air New Zealand and Ansett's problems.
"Three - John Howard and John Anderson were aware that Air New Zealand and Ansett were facing a serious liquidity crisis which would cause 'major disruption to the business' if the situation was not resolved before September.
What this letter proves is that John Anderson has misled the Australian public about the extent of his knowledge of Ansett's problems."
Combet says the letter painted a picture of a Minister who failed to take any action while Ansett, the jobs of 17,000 Australians and 40% of the Australian aviation market hung in the balance.
The Federal Government's closeness to Qantas had also hindered Ansett's chances of survival, Mr Combet said. John Howard revealed in Federal Parliament on Wednesday (September 19) that the Government had based its view of Ansett's financial situation on a briefing it received from Qantas, despite receiving contrary information from Air New Zealand.
"All of this information tells us that the Howard Government bears a substantial responsibility for the collapse of Ansett," Combet says.
"The issue now is does John Howard support the objective of saving Ansett - or does he want to liquidate it and destroy 17,000 Australian jobs and essential regional transport services.
"The answer appears to be that John Howard is the liquidator."
The ACTU forced the withdrawal by PriceWaterhouseCoopers because of a perceived conflict of interest after it emerged the firm had been engaged by Air New Zealand.
Workers Online understands that the ACTU made the move because they lacked confidence in the administrator's commitment to getting Ansett flying again.
"The ACTU is committed to seeing Ansett flying again," Burrow says. "Three thousand jobs in a week is much better than liquidation and provides hope for getting the rest of the fleet back in the air.
"The attitude of the new administrator is positive and we are confident a viable business plan will be available within days."
Impact of Collapse Spreads
Meanwhile, an estimated 40,000 workers are set to feel the flow-on effects of the Ansett collapse in industries as diverse as tourism, catering and fisheries.
Workers from Gateway Gourmet which serviced Ansett exclusively have already been thrown out of work, with a foreign parent refusing to pay their accrued entitlements.
And thousands of tourism jobs are on the line, with the collapse of regional services, particularly to remote resorts.
The impact will also be felt in industries, such as Tasmania's $100 million per annum abalone industry, where Ansett was relied upon to transport fresh seafood to the mainland.
Burrow says the collapse is a national issue that goes way beyond the workers inside Ansett.
Pearsall, the popular assistant national secretary of the Rail, Tram and Bus Union died in a car accident while driving to a union meeting in South Australia.
Initially been booked to fly to the meeting with Ansett, he opted to make the journey by car after the airline's collapse. Some time in the early hours of Tuesday near Hay, his vehicle collided with a truck.
A long-time delegate to the Labor Council, colleagues passed a condolence motion and observed a minute's silence in Pearsall's memory last night.
A Committed Unionist
RTBU bus division president Pat Ryan and Labor Council secretary John Robertson both paid tribute to Pearsall long union career.
Ryan described him as a tireless worker for members and their families, whgo spent more time with his union colleagues than his own family.
"The Labour movement has lost a decent and honourable man who wore his trade union badge with pride," Ryan said.
Robertson said that Pearsall had also been a keen photographer, publishing three books, but had continued to work in the union movement, as this was his first love.
Twenty Five Years of Service
Pearsall worked with the Department of Government Transport from1966 as an Omnibus Conductor. In 1970 he was appointed to Bus Operator.
He became a Union Executive Officer in 1976, he succeeded the Executive Officer at the Pagewood Bus Depot now know as Port Botany. He became a full-time Union Official in 1989.
Pearsall held positions in the RTBU's Federal offices of the Australian Tramways and Motor Omnibus Employees Association. At the time of amalgamation in 1993, he became the Assistant National Secretary of the RTBU. He held this position up until his passing on Tuesday 18th September 2001.
He is survived by his partner Karen Woollaston and his two Sons - Ashley & Trent and his grandchildren.
The government moved this week to neutralize workers entitlements as an election issue by extending their safety net to cover all annual leave and long service eleave entitlements for workers earning under $72,500.
But they have still l;eft tens of thousands of dollars in redundancy payments in jeaopardy by placing an eight week cap on redundancy pay-outs.
This would mean workers who have been with a failed business for long erioids of their working life particularly exposed to company collapses. Ansett workers, for instance, are entitled to 10 weeks redundancy for the first five years and four extra weeks for each year of service after that.
Unions are maintaining their call for 100 per cent protection for workers entitlements and will continue to run the issue in the lead-up to the federal election.
Labor Council secretary John Robertson says the latest plan is just an attempt to deal with the issue politically, rather than addressing the legitimate concerns of workers.
And ACTU President Sharan Burrow says nuniosna re still waiting to see the new proposal in writing - "we've yet to see the detail of the latyest plan," she says.
Seven Responses in Two Years
Version 1 - June 1999 - Howard opposes any support for Oakdale Mine workers and defends the ability of business to use employee entitlements for company cash flow purposes.
Version 2 - August 1999 - Under pressure, John Howard and Peter Reith introduce legislation to enable Oakdale miners to be paid 100% of their entitlements from the coal industry long service leave fund.
Version 3 - August 1999 - Peter Reith announces the government will legislate a national scheme by 31 December 1999. No legislation ever tabled in Parliament.
Version 4 - February 2000 - Peter Reith announces administrative arrangements that require State and Territory Governments to partially fund an inadequate, capped, so called 'safety net' scheme - Employee Entitlements Support Scheme (EESS).
Version 5 - February 2000 - National Textiles get special additional Federal funds to provide 100 per cent entitlements for National Textile workers. No other worker in any company in any city or town has ever received this extra support from John Howard.
Version 6 - September 2001 - Ansett Airlines folds, 16,000 workers left without employee entitlements. John Howard announces a special scheme will apply for Ansett workers and that a new general scheme for everyone else will be put in place - details to be announced shortly. Finally the government acknowledges what Labor has said for nearly 2 years and what all workers knew - their EES scheme was a complete failure. Government announces new travel tax on all airline passengers.
Version 7 - September 2001 - Details of a new general employee entitlements scheme become public. This scheme still fails to protect 100 per cent of employee entitlements and places the total burden on taxpayers to meet the costs of corporate mismanagement. The government leave open the option of imposing additional taxes to pay for future employee entitlement losses.
At Broken Hill alone, it is estimated that the 500 workers are owed at least $60 million in entitlements - the bulk in redundancy payments that would not be covered by the Howard Government's revised safety net.
Under Pasminco agreements, workers receive 13 weeks redundancy and one year for each year's service. Under the Howard scheme redundancy is capped at eight weeks.
The CFMEU mining division's Peter Colley says that while the workforce is still employed, concerns are growing about the mine's long-term future.
"What we have is a blue-blood, blue-chip company going into administration," Colley says. "If it can happen to Pasminco, then it can happen to any company."
The Labor Council's workers compensation campaign committee has written to Industrial Relations Minister John Della Bosca, incorporating the privatisation issue into its response to the Sheahan Report into common law rights.
Labor Council secretary John Robertson says the issue of privatisation is a spectre hanging over WorkCover and is sparking concerns that cost-cutting measures are merely an attempt to prepare the fund for a sell-off.
"While the legislation remains on the books, the suspicion will remain that privatisation is on the government's long-term agenda.
"Even if a Labor Government refused to privatise, the legislation would allow a future conservative government to sell-off the scheme."
Unions Voice Sheahan Concerns
Other key areas of concern with the Sheahan proposals are:
- the proposed 20 per cent threshold to access common law claims.
- the open-ended nature of proposed increase in the statutory scheme.
- the capping of damages for economic loss to 65 years
- and the lack of any consideration on the assessment of psychological and psychiatric impairment.
Unions have sought a meeting with Minister Della Bosca to discuss these concerns.
by Michael Gadiel
Drew Dawson, from the Centre for Sleep Research at the University of Adelaide raised concerns that the EBA process had undermined the standards governing hours of work. Effectively the concept of standard working time has been eroded largely in the pursuit of wage increases.
By treating working hours as an industrial issue employees and unions are inevitably put in the invidious position of having to choose between income and fatigue.
The solution is to treat working hours as a safety issue first and an industrial issue second. In this way the industrial parties would be free to negotiate working hours - but within the safety envelope.
Drew also informed the delegates of a software program developed by the University called FAID - downloadable from the Internet from http://www.unisa.edu.au/sleep/links/default.htm. A roster can be loaded into the program and then analysed to assess the risk. Such a tool could prove very useful for Officials and delegates in negotiating safe rostering arrangements.
The conference also heard speakers from the ACTU, ACIRRT and the Australian Democrats. They discussed the polarisation of working hours. With only 36% of the workforce working standard hours, the trend has seen the under utilization of employees working part-time and excessive hours for full time employees.
Employers have been highly successful in the quest for an increasingly flexible workforce. The result has been, that employers have chosen to maximise the hours they can extract from their existing workers, rather than allowing individuals to better manage their work and family/life balance.
According to the ACTU, the number of people working more than 49 hours per week as a percentage of the workforce has increased from less than 20% in 1978 to 32% in 1997 (ABS labour force surveys). This figure is the second highest in the developed world.
Associated with this has been a dramatic increase in the use of compressed and extended shifts. Compressed shifts are where employees work a longer shift (usually twelve hours) however this is balanced by longer breaks between groupings of shifts. The three days on, four days off pattern would be typical. Extended shifts are the same but with fewer days off in-between periods of work.
The conference concluded with a briefing from the ACTU regarding their reasonable hours test case. They are pursuing a reasonable hours clause for all awards setting new standards for working hours. Details of the ACTU reasonable hours case can be found at http://www.actu.asn.au/vunions/actu/article.cfm?objectid=88B1DB59-51A9-4EAB-96947A6FC111FD7E.
The NSW Public Service Association Maurie O'Sullivan has called on Treasurer Michael Egan to ensure workers in the First State Super scheme continue to receive their super while on maternity leave.
"This discriminatory situation has existed now for some years and every day is a day of shame," O'Sullivan says.
"Superannuation guarantee contributions are paid for members who are on sick leave, who are on recreation leave, who are on FACS leave, who are on long service leave.
"Yet for some reason, the contributions are denied when embers on paid maternity leave and adoption leave."
"The sad thing is that the only people who would be on maternity leave and adoption leave are women and the denial of contributions in such circumstances is horribly unfair and grossly discriminatory."
O'Sullivan has asked Labor Council secretary John Robertson to take up the case in typically colourful terms. ""The need for a powerful cattle prod is pretty clear. I will buy the cattle prod if you will use it."
by Zoe Reynolds
Under the deal, endorsed last month: redundancies are down from 150 to under 50; redundancy payouts up from 26 weeks of base rate to 70 weeks of salary; no compulsory redundancy; more family friendly, regular rosters; 12 per cent pay rise over three years;
In other advances:
- minimum shifts up from two to four hours for supps on lashing;
- an extra worker per gang to relieve straddle operators, interport hire; integration of terminal with bulk & general workforce;
- no job loss for supps & equitable allocation of work; a 15-day-a-year limit on flexi-days, redundancy package & entitlements for APS maintenance employees;
- job offers for CSX employees; paternity & carers leave for permanent casuals; paid training leave; recognition of the delegate & site committee; 6 monthly consultation & reviews; better compo;
- free entry for union officials during lunch breaks & company recognition that job security, equal employment opportunity, safety, career paths,
- communication & employee involvement on the job go hand in hand with productivity & company profits.
These are the major achievements of the new Patrick enterprise agreement
endorsed by the majority of members in August
"I think we've achieved a decent outcome," said Graham Snedden, Fremantle wharfie and national negotiating team member. �Decent salaries, decent working conditions, decent rostering."
But it was not easy negotiating things for the better. And even harder getting the message across to members. A downturn in trade and loss of business in bulk and general operations made it tough.
Management came to the table pushing for wage cuts, compulsory redundancies, greater casualisation of the workforce, a four hour minimum for all labour, individual contracts, management prerogative, the outsourcing of bus driving and first aid on top of a totally irregular roster.
Meetings dragged on over six weeks from morning till night. Fifty union officials and job delegates led by MUA National Secretary Paddy Crumlin, his deputy Mick O�Leary, Assistant National Secretary Jim Tannock and branch officials sat across the table from Patrick CEO Chris Corrigan and a half dozen of his management.
Talks broke down. Management walked out. Negotiations resumed. Agreement was reached, reviewed and redrafted. A mail out to all members, mass meetings, debate and discussion followed. Then came the stop work meetings with a majority vote of members and branches required for implementation of the EBA.
But there was a proviso. At issue were two major concerns flexi-days and loss of casual jobs. With half the workforce made up of supps and not all being promoted to guaranteed jobs, they turned up en masse to the Fremantle meeting, outnumbering the permanents and narrowly voting the EBA down. A majority of Melbourne members also voted no.
The other factor is history.
"The workforce still don�t trust Patrick," said Paddy Crumlin. "It's understandable and I sympathise with that. They have not forgotten what happened three years ago and for good reason. I haven�t forgotten and I told management that on day one. But we�ve gone back and addressed all the key issues raised at the stop work meetings."
The EBA now includes a limit on owed shifts to 15/year, with no more than 12 in any 16 week roster cycle. And management are guarantying no reduction in the number of supps on their books with the promise equitable allocation of work.
APS maintenance workers will get accrued leave entitlements owed and those being made redundant will get the same entitlements and a six week redundancy payment as well as an ex gratia top up payment to $35,000.
Management have also agreed to offer CSX (Sea-Land) employees in Brisbane jobs where Patrick employees volunteer to take redundancies. Successful applicants will be entitled to portability of entitlements. The extra redundancy payments are to be met by CSX.
Report backs to Sydney members resulted in further endorsement of the agreement.
"Overall the union has wound back casualisation and provided for better conditions on the job," said Crumlin. "Casualisation was taking us back to the bull system. They were picking heads. It was undermining everything we fought for in the last 50 years."
Another of the key achievements in the eba is the abolition of the irregular rosters. Gone are the soul destroying rosters that were not only dangerous to health and safety, but fracturing families and communities.
A CFMEU survey of 67 apprentice roof-tilers found that 83 per cent of apprentices had fallen through a roof, while 86 per cent had witnessed a fall while on the job.
CFMEU organiser Malcolm French says the statistics highlight the inadequate safety standards, which lead to hundreds of injuries and several fatalities every year.
"Typically, you have young workers working anything up to six metres above concrete slabs," French says.
He says while the current WorkCover Code of Practice requires a guard rail system to be erected on the roves of all residential projects, the real danger exists at the center of the roof.
The CFMEU is calling on the Carr Government to introduce a new fall arrest system that would stop workers falling through the center of a roof under construction.
The Labor Council has endorsed the CFMEU campaign for tighter standards.
CSIRO Staff Association Secretary Sandy Ross confirmed work was underway on an "alternative strategy" to be put before political parties prior to the federal election.
The move comes as CSIRO boss Geoff Garrett flagged another wave of cuts, this time in the corporate areas. Garrett conceded morale had become "a little bit of a problem" since he announced a 10 percent cut in CSIRO's corporate budget.
Ross confirmed the Staff Association intended to make the agency's future a political issue.
"CSIRO has a proven track record, internationally, in the fields of science, research and development," he told WorkersOnLine. "At a time when Australia needs to become more clever and innovative, shrinking CSIRO is the wrong approach."
Ross revealed CSIRO's funding base had declined by $45 million, in real terms, over the past decade. The trend, he said, had accelerated over the last five years with the loss of 1000 jobs and significant falls in comparative salary levels.
"CSIRO is crucial to developing Australian industry and a high-skilled society but years of neglect have left it looking ragged around the edges," he added.
by Andrew Casey
" Too often big security companies have made their profits on the backs of our members by sub-contracting out the mobile security work to individuals, and companies who cannot provide adequate security and safety for their workers," LHMU Security Union NSW Secretary, Annie Owens, said .
" Cut-throat competition in the security industry has forced standards down and increased the danger for our members.
" This new Award for security industry cash transport workers will put a firm floor, and safety base, under all security contracts, stopping undercutting by competing security firms."
More jobs
There are more than 33, 000 security guards working in Australia - one-third of them in NSW.
" The new Award won by the LHMU Security Union will create more security jobs, and a demand for experienced, licensed security officers.
" Already major security firms, expecting these Award changes, have begun advertising," Annie Owens said.
The Award handed down today by Justice Marks was the result of the tragic death of a Chubb security guard involved in the collection of a large sum of cash.
The guard killed at Punchbowl was a sub-contractor to Chubb, using his own vehicle and collecting large amounts of cash on his own with very little real security.
National implications
" These new standards will force the big security companies to employ more people to provide adequate workplace security.
" Though the Award is NSW-based it will have national implications.
" The LHMU Security Union has been lobbying all State Governments for improved health and safety for our members - this Award will strengthen our arguments for improve safety minimums for all Australian workers in the security industry."
Key elements of the new Award:
� Adequate security assessments done prior to work performed transporting cash and other valuables in a 'soft skin' vehicle. This assessment will determine whether it is safe to complete a job in a non-armoured vehicle.
� Ensures adequate communication such as back to base radio or mobile, routine variation in delivery/pick up times and routes.
� Employers shall supply firearms, personal duress alarms, a drop-safe in the interior of the vehicle.
� ATM work performed by not less than 2 employees subject to an adequate security assessment.
� Provides an improved role for the union to represent workers and stop any security work if there is concern about proper assessment and health and safety
The breakthrough came when the company, operating cut-wage operations for Telstra at Wollongong, Robina, Adelaide and Joondaloop, dropped its policy of denying staff the right to union representation.
In a letter to the CPSU Communication Union, Stellar employee relations director, John Zisis, confirmed his staff would not be "prohibited from having a union representative accompany them to a meeting in relation to a grievance or dispute."
It is a major turnaround for an operation which, until recently, would only countenance staff being accompanied to disciplinary meetings by a non-particpating workmate, and which had routinely sought police intervention when union officials had tried to visit the site.
Stellar employs hundreds of workers on non-negotiable AWAs that deliver wages around $10,000 a year less than Telstra paid to people doing the same jobs.
Much of the battle was fought in Robina and Wollongong, where a handful of CPSU activists resisted constant attempts to freeze trade unionism out of their workplaces.
Citing alleged breaches of Workplace Relations Act freedom of association provisions, the CPSU referred Stellar's union block to Employment Advocate Hamberger who had, ironically, campaigned vigorously for call centres to dump collective agreements in favour of AWAs.
Hamberger, previously litigious on the question of freedom of association, agreed to write a letter.
In the light of last week's development the CPSU's Adrian O'Connell said planned legal action had been dropped.
"This is an important step-forward," he said. "It's a breakthrough for all concerned. There are still important issues with Stellar and this indicates they can be resolved in a constructive manner."
"Our 122 members at Taubmans in Villawood, Sydney, are seeking pay rates equivalent to what the company pays in Queensland and Victoria.
'At the moment Sydney wages are on average $51 a week less than those paid to workers in other cities," Annie Owens, NSW LHMU Paint Union secretary said today.
The parties in this long running dispute are due back in the Australian Industrial Relations Commission on Monday for further conciliation before Justice Munro.
" Taubmans is now owned by a South African company, Barloworlds.
" The industrial action at the Taubmans site has been going on and on because of the breakdown of negotiations in relation to a new enterprise bargaining agreement.
" Our members are demanding the company sits down to open and fair negotiations over pay and the protection of workers' entitlements," Annie Owens said.
" Three times - usually in the middle of the night - the company has secreted out millions of gallons of paint.
" The company has eagerly used the anti-worker laws of the Howard Government.
" Injunctions have been granted against the union and its members.
" They want to constrain and demoralise LHMU Paint Union members.
" Our union members however are strong and resolved, they have maintained a lengthy and disciplined peaceful picket, and kept themselves and their families fed."
How can you help?
You can help by contacting the paint company to register your disappointment at the treatment of workers.
Tel: 02 9794 1200
Fax: 02 9725 7474
E-mail: [email protected]
LHMU members urgently need financial assistance so anything which can be spared is welcome.
If you wish to visit the peaceful picket line at any time ( 24 hour) it is at 9 Birmingham Ave Villawood.
A special account for the workers has been set up donations can be deposited at any Commonwealth Bank - Account No: 06 2006103 55251
Fundraiser for Taubmans Workers
These paint workers have been out on strike for six weeks.
Come and join the paint workers' delegates and members for a Sausage Sizzle lunch on Monday 24, September at the LHMU's offices.
From Midday to 2 pm
LHMU Auditorium Plaza, 187 Thomas St, HAYMARKET
NSW centres, Newcastle and Wollongong, joined Townsville, Geelong and Chermside in voting for half-day strikes last week in pointers to escalating resistance as the CPSU embarks on a nationwide round of stop work meetings.
Five hundred Newcastle tax officers pulled the pin last Tuesday and more than 100 Illawarra colleagues walked out the following day.
The CPSU's Michael Tull called Government plans to cull 1300 fulltimers and a further 1000 casuals a "serious threat" to the viability of the country's tax base.
"Cuts and massive changes to the tax system have put the ATO under pressure with increasingly-embarrassing results," he said. "Your experience and mine might suggest everyone pays their taxes but slippage at the top end is a serious problem.
"Unless the ATO is resourced to do its job the outlook for services like health and education are worrying, to say the least."
Tull said the position was further complicated by Tax Office refusals to disclose its financial position or negotiate staffing levels with the union.
He said last week's actions had generated "significant" community support in regional centres where the ATO is a important employer.
The Telstra union CEPU claimed the management and boards have forgotten Telstra's role that is to provide a reliable service to all Australians. Instead they "manage" with both eyes fixed firmly on the share price.
More than 40,000 jobs have already gone and existing staffs in key service areas are flat strap. In addition Telstra have cut its infrastructure investment program and the staff that should be building and enhancing Telstra's networks are underemployed and hundreds of them are being laid off.
Currently management is eating away at the real assets of the company (its network and staff) in an attempt to get the share price up.
Shareholders already entitled to be upset because they were conned by Johnny Howard into paying over $2 per share above current value will not be pleased to see their assets eroded in this way.
"Telstra is a strong company but competition policy is threatening its long-term viability," the CEPU says.
"Its survival is under threat. The telecommunications industry is heading in the same direction as the airline industry."
by Gina Preston
The Federal Government's new enrolment procedures, expected to be effective from the 2nd of October, will require a person applying for enrolment or transfer of enrolment to find a witness from a number of prescribed employment categories - such as a real estate agents, nurses, pharmacists or police. Currently a spouse or family friend can witness enrolment forms. New enrollees will also have to show the witness a prescribed original form of ID.
These changes to the Commonwealth Electoral Act will dramatically affect tens of thousands of people. The most disadvantaged will be young people who are likely to be first time voters and regularly changing address.
The changes went through Parliament in 1999, however the Federal Government has waited until this week to table its confusing changes.
The changes will frustrate enrolment, but will not stop fraud. The Australian Electoral Commission has no way of checking that the witness falls into one of the set classes of witnesses, whether the witness actually sighted the ID or if the ID was genuine.
Enrol Now
You can ensure your electoral enrolment or transfer is as simple as possible by enrolling now http://www.aec.gov.au/enrol/form.htm. The existing enrolment forms are valid until the new enrolment procedures become effective, which is expected to be from 2 October 2001.
REFUGEES, GANGS AND RACIALISED PUNISHMENT
Chris Sidoti - former Human Rights Commissioner
Dorothy McCrae McMahon
Paula Abood
Marian Wilkinson
Chaired by Julie McCrossin
This seminar will bring together a number of commentators to address the underlying issues of race and punishment that have come to the forefront in public views about immigration, asylum seeking, gangs, law and order.
With these issues looming large before the federal election, the seminar aims to contribute to public awareness on immigration and refugee issues and provide alternatives to current policies.
When: THURSDAY SEPTEMBER 27, 6.00 - 8.00 PM
Where: EASTERN AVENUE LECTURE THEATRE
SYDNEY UNIVERSITY
Cost: $20/$10 unwaged
Bookings essential: Phone: 9692 5111 or mailto:[email protected] or fax 96925192 or post to Pluto Press, Locked Bag 199, Annandale, NSW 2038
*************
MAKING AUSTRALIA A KNOWLEDGE NATION
or "Everything you wanted to Know about Knowledge Nation and Were Afraid To Ask"
Featuring Barry Jones and Senator Kate Lundy
MC : Richard Fidler
A Special Forum about Labor's Knowledge Nation plan sponsored by Pluto Press and the Australian Fabian Society.
The Final word on "Knowledge Nation" : Barry Jones and Senator Kate Lundy give the definative statement on Labor's Policy, refute the critics and respond to questions.
WHEN : Tuesday 2nd October 6pm for 6.30pm till 8.30pm
Where: The Cato Conference Centre, Rooms 3 and 4, 489 Elizabeth Street, Melbourne
Price $20 and $10 for Fabian Society members and the unwaged
Bookings essential: mailto:[email protected] or fax: (02) 96925111 or phone (02) 96925192 or post to Pluto Press, Locked Bag 199, Annandale, NSW 2038
**********************
Abolish Malaysia's Internal Security Act
Briefings for unions and human rights groups
Malaysia's draconian Internal Security Act (ISA), is a colonial-era law that allows detention without trial [up to 60 days] by the Malaysian Police, under the authority of the Home Minister. This law allows the police to interrogate the detainees prior to charging them in the court of law. In the past, detainees have been subject to beatings, sexual harassment and other forms of torture to obtain "confessions".
On April 9 2001, 10 political opposition leaders and social activists were detained under the ISA. All were politically active in the last national election. Their political activity is considered a "threat to national security". Tian Chua, one of the detainees is a labour and human rights activist and Deputy Leader of the Justice Party.
Since April, 4 have been released but 6 are being held in detention for a period of 2 years.
Mabel Au Mei Po from AIM [Abolish Internal Security Act Movement] is currently in Australia. Come along and get an update on the campaign:
� the ISA as a tool for political oppression
� the international campaign for the release of the detainees and the abolition of the ISA.
For trade unions:
Monday September 24 1pm NSW Labor Council, 377 Sussex St, Sydney For human rights groups and NGO'sTuesday September 25 5.30pm- Amnesty Internationa- lLevel 3, 55 Mountain St, Ultimo
PUBLIC MEETING on the ISA
Saturday September 29 12-1pm Guthrie Theatre [Room 6.3.28], University of Technology, Sydney [entrance off Harris St]
For more information contact AIM [Sydney]: Lina Cabaero on 9559 5165
*****************
Phillipines Australia Union Link (PAUL) Annual General Meeting
Monday 24th September, 2001 at 6pm, 1st Floor AMWU building 136 Chalmers Street Surry Hills
Guest Speaker is Paul Quintos the Deputy Executive Director EILER and Education Officer of KMU Labor Center.
Paul is a key worker in the education of KMU activists and the extension of the KMU organisation into the construction industry and the urban poor sector where employment is irregular. Educated at UP and the London School of Economics Paul is a former research associate at the National Economic Development Agency and an articulate advocate for the workers movement of the Phillipines.
*****************
FairWear Action
Our focus on David Jones' lack of support for the No Sweat Shop label continues this weekend at a David Jones store near you.
Fair Wear supporters will again be taking to the streets distributing special perfume cards and information to consumers regarding DJ's failure to commit to the accountability measures of the No Sweat Shop label.
Contact the Fair Wear office on (02) 9380 9091 or reply to this email to find out when your local store's action will be.
*************
Free Trade or Fair Trade? Globalisation, Trade and Aid
A political debate - Tuesday 9 th October, 6.00 - 8.30 pm
Pitt St Uniting Church, 264 Pitt St, Sydney.
Speakers:
Representative of the Minister for Trade
Senator Peter Cook ALP Shadow Minister for Trade
Senator Vicki Bourne Australian Democrats
Ms Kerry Nettle NSW Greens Senate Candidate
Followed by questions and discussion
Chair:
The Rev. Dorothy McRae-McMahon writer and broadcaster
Come and voice your concerns
Sponsored by the Australian Fair Trade and Investment Network and Oxfam Community Aid Abroad
For more information contact Pat Ranald [email protected]
or Margaret di Nicola [email protected]
****************
Two Special Events
Meet leaders from the Movement for Democratic Change in Zimbabwe
1. Democracy in Zimbabwe
Thursday 27th September 2001
8 Edwards Bay Road balmoral 6:00 pm 8:30 pm
Cost $30.00 per person
RSVP Neville Mitchell (02) 9969 8350
2. Assault on the Rule of Law in Zimbabwe
A discussion with the Movement for Democratic Change jointly sponsored by the ICJ and Society of Labor lawyers
Friday September 28 2001, 4pm 6pm, Level 1, 338 Pitt St Sydney.
Dear friends,
Re : The Ansett 'Collapse' :
1. The directors of Air News Zealand, are a few people, who are 'financially insulated' against any action taken against the Airline.
2. Any 'action', taken against 'Air New Zealand', only affects the workers of that Airline, and the traveling public. You will only be 'punishing' innocent people and fellow workers.
3. The New Zealand Government, did not know the true extent of QAnsetts 'problems' until a short time ago.
4. The 'Directors' of Air New Zealand, purchased
Ansett Australia, without due diligence...Those guys were interested only in 'getting-into-the Domestic Australian Business.
5. Ansett (refer to Dick Smith) was 'going-broke' well before the Directors of Air New Zealand purchased it from Rupert Murdock. (lucky man !)
6. DONT RUBBISH KIWIS...AND DONT RUBBISH YOUR OWN BROTHERS AND SISTERS ...... OK ...........
7. Helen Clark, was 'stranded in Melbourne .... absolutely NO help from Howard & Company..... (It wouldnt have happened to George Bush) Shame on Howard & Company ...... "ARSEHOLES"
Barry K Morgan
Further to your very sad news that Andrew Knox may have been killed in the WTC attacks, we in the GPMU here in the UK were also very shocked and saddened to have learned the news from one of Andrew's former collegue organisers currently working for the GPMU.
Andrex Knox worked for the GPMU as an organiser for a period during 2000, helping us in trying to orgnaise Dolphin Packaging on the South Coast.
Andrew was a great guy and totally committed to the trade union movement worldwide. He worked hard to build membership at this non unionised site and his enthusiasm was boundless.
All of the Officers and Organisers who worked with Andrew are deeply shocked and our prayers go out to his family.
Tony Burke
DGS
Graphical Paper & Media Union
Bedford
UK.
Many of the points you made in your editorial concerning the terrorist attacks in America are no doubt true.
Your comments were published at a time when the fires were still burning and rescue workers were still attempting to find survivors. Many of the victims were workers, trade unionists; cleaners, waitresses, messengers, government employees. Those on the planes included children and others entirely innocent of whatever misdeeds the American government may have committed.
At a time when innocent Moslem children were being abused and threatened in Australia and elsewhere, an appeal against racism would have been entirely appropriate. I am not sure, however, that the time was right for your geopolitical sermon. Perhaps that could have waited until after the dead were buried.
Wayne Pattterson
Well my letter did not go to print I understand that negative feedback while handy after an election loss should not help to loose one yet to be held.
However for middle Australia this is not the time to open Australia's doors to with out a door man , conservatives know and we must learn voters vote for reasons other than ideals.
Doctor Jim [ I love the girl] Cairns on election night ,the first faced by the Whitlam government, took early returns to heart saying*voters have shown a great deal of sophistication tonight*.
He was wrong in the next hour of counting we very near lost the election in a turn around.
Only about 15% of this countries voters think Howard was wrong ,only the same number think in politically correct terms on any issue
If we are to save our way of life and progress Labor politics much further we need to change Elections are to be won , not lost in support of views not share by most.
I have already had my sympathy for the murdered victims in the USA shouted down in full hostility by a left wing union official full on spit in the face anger.
No one who is honest doubts many share his view.
The left can rise to anger at Australia closing its doors to unwanted boat people yet not share my rage at mass murder
All good unionists start as leftys me too ,but I grew up! I want the Australian Labour Party to govern .
I would like to see Bob have no Carr become a member .
Sorry but I share the views of many who still vote ALP and many who left us forever, no open door unmanned.
No racism of any kind including from those who made our country home .
No attacks on our culture either.
The Labor movement must be a middle Australian mean lean election winning machine or nothing at all.
A Bell
Belly
As a concerned member of the MEAA I would like to urge the union movement to take up the greatest issue facing us as a nation over the last 30 years- that is Howards stance against peace and humanity in 1) creating fortress Australia 2) publicly equating refugees with terrorists 3) being the only western democracy to fully ally themselves with the US declaration of war.
There is a rally for peace on Friday 21st at 4.30pm at Town hall, and a rally to support refugees on Sunday 23rd September starting at Villawood train station.
Regards
Francesca Cathie
The unconditional commitment of the Commonwealth to support the Declaration of War , on not a nation, but a not insignificant individual who has displayed a passion for his God and people, is to say the least foolhardy.
With the evidence as to his culpability still missing in the recent terrorist attack, all reasoning must consider this crusade "Infinite Justice" by the Bush administration as revenge and a cleansing of the national psyche.
The United States, since the European invasion has a long history of finger pointing and human sacrifice dating back to the Salem witch trials.
Those Australians who can remember the cost of not only Australian lives, but the subsequent trauma to our children through our commitment to the Vietnam conflict should now be wary of repeating this cost through their Grandchildren.
This Osama bin Laden, is a product of American covert activities, and was not only a collaborator but was trained and supplied by the CIA, and it was with their, he founded the Maktab al-Khidimat (MAK), which recruited fighters from around the world and imported equipment to aid the Afghan resistance against the Soviet army.
After the Russian withdrawal, this MAK , was no longer of any use to the CIA or their covert operations , so he returned to Saudi Arabia , until expelled for anti-government activities , he then moved to Sudan until economic pressure forced them to expel him , he then sought sanctuary in Afghanistan.
Is it possible that this is an uncontrolled Frankenstein, or is it a deliberate attempt at the creation of enemies? This is not a new phenomenon, since the end of the cold war, and the immediate threat of war, control of free thinking individuals becomes more difficult particularly for governments which project a fa�ade of democracy and freedom.
Is it possible that some sovereign states which depend on consumerism for their very survival would create a conflict on a foreign soil? The sole purpose of this conflict being to stimulate a powerful lobby group in their manufacturing industry! The machines of war are usually very expensive of the use by date can be controlled by the most powerful, particularly if one of the combatants or their allies are the sole providers of the weapons.
One must also reflect on the dejavu , of the circumstances as to the attack of Pearl Harbor , was this act of war provoked by the economic blackmail of Japan by the USA?
While this act of terrorism shocked the world, and we may not be of the mind to understand it, for the perpetrators who sacrificed their own lives for their beliefs, there was a reason. Further attacks on such Zealots, serves only to justify not only their cause but their actions!
Is America aware that John Wayne is Dead?
Tom Collins
by Peter Lewis
Costa Reflects |
What sort of shape do you think you have left the union movement in?
I think the Labor Council is in very good shape. Certainly financially it is in the best shape that it has ever been. I think politically it has strong relationships with both employers, government and other stakeholders. Industrially, I think we are struggling outside the public sector in line with the difficulties the union movement is facing at a national level. But overall, I think the Labor Council today is probably in a stronger position than it was five years ago.
How difficult for you has it been to leave right in the middle of the workers compensation furore?
Very difficult. I would love to have seen it through. But I chose a strategic point to leave when we had the agreement with the Government, and ensured that there was a proper transition to the new leadership. I think that was appropriate in the circumstances.
I hope that we can sort out workers comp. It is a core issue for both the labour movement in its industrial form, but also in its political form, and we really do need to have some sensible negotiations with a sensible outcome.
How would you have reacted in the situation that the MPs you are joining now faced, of being asked to cross a union picket line? How would you have handled that situation?
I think that was a black day for both the industrial and political wing of the labour movement. It should have been handled in a different manner. It wasn't. I prefer not to dwell on it.
What do you think needs to happen to heal the wounds from that day, and what role can you play as someone that is moving from the industrial to the political wing of the Party?
Well, I am certainly available if people want me to play a role, but that is really up to the Premier and to the Labor Council Secretary to determine that. I suppose the role I can play is to talk about the issues informally with my colleagues so that they have an appreciation of the concerns of the industrial wing, and also reciprocate that in terms of talking to the industrial wing about the obvious concerns the government has about the deficit.
You have spoken in the past about the importance of having people with union backgrounds in the Labor government. What do you see you bringing in particular to the Carr government in that regard?
I don't want to limit my contribution to the Carr government to my union background. I think I am much broader than just being a trade unionist. But it is certainly true that I believe there ought to be a reasonable representation within Labor Parties and Labor governments of people with trade union background.
I think what they bring is an understanding of those core issues that working people see as being important. They also bring a degree of managerial experience and human resource experience that I think governments require, particularly in their early periods, because the task of the government is a task of managing resources and there are good ways to do that and bad ways, and certainly union officials have seen the bad ways and the good and I think that experience is important.
Personally I believe I bring more to the government. My interest has always been to do with economic policy and certainly that is the area I will be focusing on.
How much has the union movement changed from the time that you joined the Labor Council in the mid-eighties?
The union movement has changed dramatically in the last decade. I joined the Labor Council in the middle of the Accord period. It was a terrible period for the trade union movement. Whilst there was the perception of power at one level, the actual influence of delegates and rank and file people within the movement was minimal and in fact I would argue that the roots to our rapid decline have their source in the Accord period, and I have argued that publicly. Certainly there are structural factors that account for the circumstances that led to the decline, but the rate of decline - the rapid rate of decline in that period - I think had a lot to do with the Accord and the amalgamation process.
Today we see a union movement that whilst it is struggling in terms of maintaining membership levels, is engaged in a very important process - probably a decade long process - on re-orientating itself. Rebuilding its structures at the workplace; retraining its personnel; and re-strategising. I think that is all very positive. I think the union movement is in a very positive position because it is going through this process.
And do you think it is equipped to deal with those challenges?
I think certain sections are. I think that it is very uneven, as it always is in these areas, and it really requires some strong leadership.
There has been talk in recent times - I know you have spoken about it yourself - about the changing nature of the factional system - and there has been some talk of the Left and the Right factions collapsing and the industrial faction emerging. Do you see on that occurring?
I don't know about an industrial faction. I certainly believe that the factional system has been eroding over at least the last decade, and certainly that erosion has accelerated in recent times, particularly in the industrial wing. In terms of the political side, I think factions as I have criticized them in the past only play a role in terms of sharing power amongst people. They have really no ideological content and that to me is positive, although that means the structures that are a hangover from the Cold War organization of the trade union movement need to be re-adjusted into the future.
In terms of industrial, I think the trade unions - focussing more on their core concerns and their industrial concerns have certainly put a greater industrial voice, rather than industrial faction. And I believe that greater industrial voice is actually helping. Helping the unions and also helpful for Labor to define its position in terms of industrial relations and broader social issues, against a more activist voice of the labour movement.
Looking back on your time with the unions, what do you view as your greatest achievement?
The greatest achievement is very difficult. I would break it up into probably two areas.
I am very pleased that I leave the Labor Council in a strong financial position. I believe that without appropriate resources it is very difficult to have a strong voice, and that is very pleasing.
But I suppose my greatest achievement is that I have been able to help individual affiliates and at times - you don't often get the opportunity at Labor Council - to help specific union members with their problems. I love being involved in wage negotiations and solving potentially difficult industrial disputes. I am really going to miss that but I enjoyed that part of the job the most.
Any disputes stand out?
I'll never forget the Franklin's dispute. That was a very difficult dispute and we certainly did resolve that. That certainly does stand out. But the whole recent wage round in the public sector I think was handled professionally. We took a decision to centralize negotiations and work through a framework and I think that was a very responsible approach to the problem and I think the outcome was a reasonable outcome in the circumstances.
So it is very hard to say what the highlights are, but I would add that another opportunity the Labor Council presents, is the ability to find yourself in circumstances and in opportunities to meet people from a variety of backgrounds, and I have enjoyed meeting the various trade union officials from all over the world that have struggled with very similar problems.
And regrets?
I would have liked the workers comp. dispute to have been on a little bit earlier. I would have liked to have seen it through to the end.
What about parting words of advice to the union movement?
My parting words are simple: Listen to the membership. Focus on their issues - even when they appear to conflict with what we regard as traditional trade union principles - and ensure that the movement is one that reflects the interests of those that we argue that we represent.
Costa with Successor John Robertson |
**************
Madame President, I come to this House with a great sense of responsibility.
The Legislative Council is an institution that on balance has served the workers of this State well.
In coming here I follow a proud lineage of Labor Council officers who have represented the workers of the State in this House.
Since the positions have become full-time, I will be the second former Labor Council Secretary after Barrie Unsworth to sit in this House.
I would also note that the Premier Bob Carr was once a Labor Council official.
I say this not to raise any expectations on my own behalf, but to highlight the critical role the Labor Council has played in the political, economic and social life of this State.
There is no doubt that the sensible and moderate approach of the Labor Council has been a critical factor in the leading role New South Wales plays in the economic and civic life of this nation.
I would also like to place on record my thanks to John Robertson who has succeeded me as Secretary - for a time, in June, it appeared he might arrive in this Parliament before me.
John is a person of enormous capacity and I am certain despite the initial fireworks John and his deputy Mark Lennon will continue the great tradition of sensible pragmatic leadership.
They are assisted by what must be the most professional and dedicated team any leader has been fortunate enough to work with. I would particularly like to thank Karen Adams and Kelly Laing.
The whole team operates under the guidance of the current President of the Labor Council Sandra Moait and the executive of the Labor Council. The presidential officers of the Council, Russ Collison, John Hennessey, Pat Ryan, Michael Williamson, Michele Hryce and until recently Alison Peters, have worked together to make the Labor Council the preeminent trade union peak Council in the country.
I doubt I will ever meet a more dedicated group of people than the trade unionists who make up the executive and delegates to the Labor Council of New South Wales.
I would like to thank all the previous Labor Council secretaries who have provided guidance, advice and counsel to me - some of which I have heeded: John Ducker, John McBean, Michael Easson, Peter Sams and Barrie Unsworth.
Michael Easson, one of the most decent people I have ever known, was instrumental in my career at the Labor Council. It was his recommendation that led to John McBean offering me the opportunity to stand for election as a Labor Council officer. He was also instrumental in both my expulsion from, and readmission to, the Labor Party. Michael remains a close friend and influence.
Peter Sams has always been a close mate. He balanced my more radical views of industrial relations with his more pragmatic outlook. Peter is an unashamed traditionalist who understands the importance of history and institutions and has taught me the need to respect tradition.
A special word about Barrie Unsworth. Over the last decade I have worked extremely closely with Barrie and the Labor Council's financial controller Jeff Priestly in managing the commercial interests of the Labor Council. Because of their efforts, the Labor Council is financially secure.
Barrie has provided me with support, advice and encouragement. Occasionally that advice was provided in the direct manner he is renowned for. I think his style may have rubbed off on me. Barrie's love for the Labor Council is heartfelt.
Having come to know Barrie so well I say without equivication that it was a great shame for the people of this State that his duration as Premier was so short, he is a man of principle, competence and vision who had much more to contribute to this State as Premier. However, the State's loss was the Labor Council's gain.
I come to this House as a dedicated trade unionist who believes the union movement despite its recent difficulties, has a critical role to play in ensuring fairness in the workplace. No issue highlights more the important role of unions than the issue of workers entitlements.
Thousands of workers confront the despair of lost entitlements annually. Yet we still don't have a system that protects these entitlements. It is a national disgrace. Without unions many workers would have lost all of their precious entitlements.
For those who doubt the broad support for trade unions in this country I strongly advise that they study in depth polling carried out on behalf of the Labor Council of New South Wales, which shows over a long polling period consistent and growing support for trade unions.
***************
I come to this House as a person from a non-English Speaking background. In fact I was the first Secretary of the Labor Council from a non-English-speaking background. I look forward to the day when the secretary of the Labor Council is from either an Asian or Middle Eastern background.
My parents were Greek Cypriot post-war immigrants. Like many others they experienced the trauma of war, the confusion of displacement and the hope of a better life in Australia.
My father found work in the steelworks in Newcastle, where I was born, and subsequently in the railways, where he served for more than 40 years. My mother, a process worker, juggled long working hours with raising a family.
When I first went to school I could not understand English, I was an outsider who experienced racism first hand.
Like many of my generation I confronted the intolerance and racism of a country that was adjusting with difficulty to the shock of postwar immigration and cultural diversity.
Today it is fashionable to make light of terms like 'Wogs' and Dagos' and I myself wear the Wog label with pride. But in Australia in the fifties, sixties and seventies it was a vicious term of racial abuse that wounded and psychologically scarred many young people.
It is in this context, that some of the undertones of what currently passes as an immigration debate concern me. The notion that persons of Arabic or Middle Eastern origin are not appropriate immigrants is a subtext barely kept from the surface.
Racial and religious backgrounds have no place in immigration policy. What a prospective immigrant can contribute to the country should be the only criterion.
The racism I experienced was and still is based on ignorance and insecurity. Governments have a responsibility to deal with both these causes - there is no doubt that education and the economic opportunity mitigate against racist climates.
On reflection, my early encounters with the injustice of racism was the critical factor in my development of a strong concern with fairness and justice.
My background also informs the passionate view I have about immigration.
I support a substantial increase in Australia's immigration intake. Australia is a large land with abundant resources that require a commensurate population to ensure its economic viability.
I reject those elements in the immigration debate that use legitimate community concerns about environmental matters as an argument against immigration.
Australia requires a larger population to ensure that it has the economic wealth to afford the strong environmental safeguards which developing countries cannot afford. Economic growth and environmental protection are not mutually exclusive as some would have us believe - to the contrary they complement each other.
In this context, the recent hysteria over asylum seekers is quite misguided.
What this country needs is not a closed-door policy to the world based on ignorance, rather we need immigration policy informed by a rational assessment of its costs and benefits.
Prejudice and hysteria over the plight of refugees is not the appropriate context for this debate.
In my trade union career, I stood often alone, against calls for interventionist industry polices. These calls were based on economic confusion with their often well meaning proponents failing to understanding that these types of policies would in the long run have the diametric opposite effect on employment to that sought i.e. significant job losses.
The one industry policy I am proud to support is an expansionist immigration policy - this is an area where governments at all levels and of all political persuasions should be able to co-ordinate policy that balances the communities' legitimate concerns for their quality of life with the economic imperative to ensure critical mass in our domestic markets. Our economic security requires nothing less.
*******************
I come to this House as someone of a blue collar background whose real education was completed on the job by my co-workers.
As one would expect of the son of Greek migrants I worked in numerous jobs where my main task was deep frying fast food, before getting full-time work as an ironworker-rigger at the Garden Island naval dockyard.
I spent five years there, learning about the real-world and daily contrasting its lessons to the theoretical world provided by my university education.
I finally ended up as a locomotive engineman with the State Rail Authority and my trade union career began in earnest when I was elected President of the AFULE.
At this point I would pay tribute to Noel Cox, former Secretary of the AFULE and Bob Plain, current President of the RTBU - two great trade union officials who had the confidence and courage to run on a ticket with me against the incumbent leadership of the Union.
The workers in the rail industry have been fortunate to have superb union leaders looking after their interest, people like Jim Walsh, Harold Dywer and Nick Lewocki to mention the most outstanding.
As the Premier has noted without the efforts of the New South Wales workforce we would not have been able to stage the best ever Olympics.
The most important thing I learnt in my time on the shop floor was that the Australian workers - in spite of often poor and inadequate management - have skills, commitment and real pride in their work and are unquestionably our greatest economic asset.
It is often ironic to hear business leaders preaching about the unproductive workplace - all my experience is that it is the management that lets us down.
I entered the Labor force in a period of economic uncertainty where the great scourge was the specter of stagflation.
My generation was the first of the post-War period to experience mass unemployment.
An appreciation of unemployment and its demoralizing and dehumanizing impact on people and families, has remained a major influence on my political outlook.
The attempt by some politicians to cast the unemployed as willing architects of their own fate only trivializes what is a major economic problem.
It is my strong belief that governments have a core responsibility to provide the circumstances that maximize job opportunities.
It was my disillusionment with the lack of economic opportunities associated with stagflation that politicized me.
*********************
I come to this House as a political being, who started off by accident on the far left and in more recent times have been regarded by my political opponents as being on the far right. I reject, particularly in the post Cold War world, attempts to characterize people's politics as either left or right.
I believe a much better framework to understand the political differences that exist is provided by political theorist Thomas Sowell.
Sowell argues that underlying political conflicts is a fundamental conflict of two irreconcilable visions which he terms the constrained and unconstrained visions.
Underpinning the unconstrained vision "is the conviction that foolish or immoral choices explain the evils of a world - and wiser or more moral and humane social policies are the solution". In contrast "the constrained vision sees the evils of the world as arriving from the limited and unhappy choices available, given the inherent moral and intellectual limitations of human beings". I place myself in the tradition of the constrained vision.
My real political education began when, by accident with a group of high school mates, I attended a Marxist education camp.
The experience was critical in my political development.
It introduced me to serious debate about economic and political issues. Whilst I came to reject Marxism as dogma, it left a legacy in my interests in economics and politics.
In retrospect, the problem with Marxism as a political philosophy was not Marx's original ideas which bear the limitations of his era, it was the Marxists, his self styled followers who turned a political theory, that needed testing and refinement in the face of new realities, into destructive dogma.
Marx - though wrong on many issues - was in the tradition of the great classical economists and prided himself on dealing with facts in a scientific way and not dogma.
I have no doubt that if Marx were alive today he would, given his understanding and interest in economic systems and technological development, support economic policies that promote prosperity and indeed would be an vocal advocate for globalisation and in all probability would be a member of the Centre Unity faction of the Labor Party.
I take this opportunity to acknowledge my fellow officers of the NSW branch of the ALP, Eric Roozendaal, Mark Arbib, Steve Hutchins, Ursula Stephens, Darryl Melham, Damian O'Connor.
Eric Roozendaal and Mark Arbib are in my view the most professional officers the Labor Party has ever had, they have dramatically transformed the operations of the NSW branch. I thank them for their support and friendship.
During my trade union career I was often the only voice arguing for free trade. Which given the history of the labour movement always puzzled me. I have constantly had to remind my colleagues that the first Labor members elected to this parliament had amongst their number a majority of free traders.
Free trade has always been critical to the economic prosperity of this country. Today nearly 2 million Australian workers depend on exports for their jobs.
It is pleasing that at its last national conference the ALP returned to its free trade roots, and reaffirmed its commitment to an open Economy.
In recent times we have seen an almost hysterical reaction from some in response to what they perceive to be the evils of globalisation. The bulk of these concerns are no doubt genuinely felt, though as always occurs in these situations professional political agitators have sought to exploit ignorance and uncertainty for their own advantage.
History clearly shows that we should not fear the success of globalisation, rather its failure.
Globalisation is not new. What we are witnessing today is the renewal of an economic process which began in the early 19th Century and brought with it tremendous increases in living standards. This process was interrupted by the extraordinary brutality associated with much of the 20th Century's history.
Economic stagnation associated with protectionism, destructive nationalism, xenophobia and wars are the consequences of globalisation's initial failure. If globalisation fails this time, we face a return to these destructive forces.
The key to its success is to ensure the benefits are spread widely. Contrary to the views of some, governments have not been regulated to a secondary status in the global world, they have a critical role in ensuring the success or failure of the historically improtant process of globalisation.
Good government is more important that it has evern been. Much of the failure of globalisation in the developing world as Hernando de Soto persuasively argues in "The Mystery of Capital" is the result of government and not market failure.
Many government in the developing world either through corruption or incompetence have failed to maintain, the rule of law, and system of property rights underpinned by a strong safety net . Without these development is impossible.
In our system state governments have a critical role in all these areas.
I have been described at various times by my political opponents as an economic rationalist. It is not a label I seek. Nevertheless, if by the label they seek to imply that I believe it appropriate that government's use the latest economic tools to inform policy positions, I am happy to accept the categorization.
Whilst it is true that I respect the power of the market mechanism, I reject market fundamentalism which places all market outcomes above social concerns. Market fundamentalism is as much a dogma - and an intellectual straightjacket - as it's antithesis command economics.
Market fundamentalists fail to recognise that markets are social constructs, in other words products of human activity.
Markets are a tool for allocating scarce resources, not the end goal of an economic processes.
Societies structured on markets that don't deliver social outcomes, supported by the majority of the community, are doomed to collapse.
My ideas on political economy have been refined by numerous discussions with my close friend and intellectual soul mate Mark Duffy. Mark is one of the most talented people I have ever met, and has a passion which I share for good public policy.
My political journey has taught me that outcomes are the most important thing and that values are more important than ideology.
*******************
I come to this House as someone who believes that the political process does improve the lot of its citizenry.
I am committed to playing a constructive role in this process.
I have a particular interest in issues related to mental illness - which my own family and I have had to confront first-hand.
I draw Honorable Members' attention to the recent Report released by St Vincent De Paul titled "A Long Road to Recovery". This Report dramatically details the clear connection between mental illness and homlessness.
According to this Report, amongst the inner city homeless, 75 percent have at least one mental disorder compared to 20 percent in the general population; 23 percent of men and 46 percent of women have Schizophrenia compared to a prevalence in the general population of between 0.5 and 1 percent; 33 per cent have depression compared to 6 percent of the Australian community; and 93 percent reported at least one experience of extreme trauma in their lives. These statistics are disgraceful. It is time we recognised that we have not handled the problem of mental illness properly.
This situation has its genesis in the anti-Psychiatry movement of the sixties and seventies which had the laudible aim of humanising appalling mental institutions, but resulted in wholesale abandonment of people in need. This is an area that requires immediate government attention.
The silent victimes of mental of illness are the carers of the mentally ill. They receive inadequate support and are expected to perform caring functions which in many cases are beyond human endurance. Support for these carers should be a priority.
There are enormous advances being made by medical science in understanding mental illnessess such as Schizophrenia. I congratulate the government for the support it has provided to the Neurological Institute of Schizophrenia and Allied Disorders.
For those Honorable members interested in this area I highly recommend a recently published book by David Horrobin titled "The Madness of Adam and Eve - how Schizophrenia shaped humanity". This book advances the novel thesis that mental illnesses such as Schizophrenia are what separates humans from our nearest primate relatives.
Issues such as mental illness highlight the need to think more broadly about the role of government in dealing with social issues.
I am not one who believes the State should run everything, but I do believe that the State has responsibilities. That is why I have supported a Social Audit of government activities.
My friend the Treasurer has pointed to the difficulty of conducting such an audit at a state level given the complexity of Commonwealth State financial arrangements. I accept his wise counsel on this matter and am now convinced that the only sensible way to conduct such an audit is at the national level.
A national social audit is critical to public confidence in government service priorities.
It is pleasing to note that Federal Labor has accepted the principle of a Social Audit.
*************************
Madame Speaker
I look forward to working with and occassionally working against, discussing, and sometimes arguing, matters of import with Honorable Members on both sides of the House - and those who sit on the cross-benches.
I am fortunate that I come to this house to join a number of existing members that I regard as friends, not just colleagues, some of whom have guided me to this point. In this context I specifically mention the Honorable Michael Egan, the Honorable John Della Bosca, the Honorable Eddie O'beid and the Honorable Ian West.
I also pay special tribute to the Honourable Johnno Johnson. Johno is and has always been first and foremost a committed trade unionist who over his political has made numerous important and historic sacrifices to ensure the stability and survival of the institutions and structures he believes in. It is not true that he has left me his raffle books and I thank Sam Moreton for Herculian efforts in restoring Johno's office to its former glory.
Friends and family are critical to the vocation of politics. I would like to thank a special group of people for their support, my two wonderful children Matthew and Ellana and their mother Helen Ward, my brother George and sister Mary. My special friends, John Whelan, Deborah Robinson, Joe Tripodi, Peter Lewis, Conrad Staff, Joe Di Leo, Colin Cranson, John Signorle, Jennie George, Bernie Riordan, Chris Christodoulou, Naomi Steer and Michael Gadiel.
Finally I dedicate this speech to the memory of my two closest teenage friends Spiro Kikilas and Ralph Pisacane who both died in separate tragic circumstances in early adulthood.
Barrie Unsworth advised me that this inaugural speech was an important speech because it provides a public benchmark to judge ones contribution to public life.
I hope at the end of my time in this House I will be judged as having contributed to prosperity, opportunity and fairness.
I thank the House for its indulgence.
Hair today gone tommorrow |
*************
It's late 1989. The new Secretary of the Labor Council, Michael Easson, decided to have a weekend retreat with Labor Council officers to examine the climate, the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats surrounding Labor Council and the national Labor movement. Michael Costa and I wrote a provocative strategy paper for discussion at the weekend. It was written especially for that weekend - its language was controversial but it was not written for public release.
The paper certainly provoked some serious discussion. Michael Easson sent us off to develop the ideas. He suggested we share the ideas with a few selected thinkers around the place - outside the Labor Council. The Herald got hold of a copy without a cover or any other indicator that it had come from within the Labor Council. Michael Easson had an opportunity to either disown it or own it. He chose to own it. The next day the Herald had it on the front page and Easson's phone was running hot in the morning with irate calls from Bob Carr, Bob Hawke and other senior players within the labor movement. All hell broke lose. How could anybody be a member of ALP or Labor Council and even "think" let alone articulate these views! Instead of defending any of the arguments, the focus was moved from what was being said to the question of how the document was leaked. This went on for a couple of weeks until it was established that it had been leaked by a former Labor Council industrial officer and, I thought, a 'friend' of mine. It was the greatest personal betrayal I had ever experienced and for reasons I still do not understand. I was sacked as a result.
Michael Easson survived, but was damaged. Michael Costa survived. The paper got a furious thrashing for two or three weeks in the media. Paul Kelly published it in full in the Weekend Australian with analysis of its national implications. Most events that we predicted came to pass. Costa and I wrote a book a year and a half later outlining in more detail and probably in more moderate terms the sort of arguments we were putting forward about the failure of the ACTU and the failure of the Accord, the free trade v industry policy debate and essentially the need to modernize industrial relations from a Labor perspective - exciting times.
The personalities of Michael Easson and his successors Peter Sams and Michael Costa ensured a more participatory, less 'top down' approach. The end of the cold war made it far easier for Labor Council secretaries to contemplate moves to reduce factionalism and broaden the Council.
I think what did crystallise as a result of the Discussion paper was the notion that the survival of the Labor Council, ultimately for NSW and for the NSW labour movement and for the national labour movement for that matter, was far more important than the standing of the ACTU. The kind of klutzy collapse of the national union movement that was being generated by a combination of events including the ACTU's manic desire to centrally control everything and to amalgamate away good unions and amalgamate good unions into bad unions, created a lot of stresses often damaging state based unions.
So looking back, but looking at the time as well, the ACTU was utterly unable to deal with the decline in trade union numbers and pursued policies that actually further damaged the union movement by creating large, essentially dysfunctional groupings of unions. I think anyone who follows the outcome now would realize that a lot of those amalgamations have been damaging, and at the best they have been stopgaps. The bottom line is the strategy never worked to stop the decline in trade unionism. The strategy was a failure.
I think both Michael and I were pretty crushed by the oppressive response that the ideas canvassed in the Discussion paper received. But Michael is a very strong personality and if I was in a jam I couldn't think of anyone I would prefer to be in it with!
We were both in our early thirties but Michael had probably been through more stoushes than me, plus he maintained his position at the Labor Council, so in some sense he probably coped with it better than I did. It took me a long while to get over the controversy and my public hanging. The document escaped innocently and ultimately all we were was a few months in front of where the labour movement was generally heading in relation to enterprise bargaining and about the recession that we predicted, which was a pretty good call in retrospect. As was our call about the ACTU's approach . The ACTU was strategically bankrupt at this stage and was essentially going for divvying up what was left rather than putting in proper defence strategies and building a vibrant trade union movement. They had given up those latter two, and just sought to divide what was here.
After the inquisition Michael and I decided to put our ideas into a book 'Beyond the Bonsai Economy'. Michael probably waited for me to get a few chapters organized to see whether I was seriously going to do it, and once we got the flow and he could see the structure, he plugged in and put in some really solid work on it - particularly in the latter half. But it was a real joint collaboration and for me the one really positive result of the whole controversy.
It was a huge amount of fun writing it with him because we both wanted to continue to be members of, and be seen to be members of the labour movement, but we also wanted to argue that some of the stuff that was going down - and most particularly the ACTU's position on a whole range of issues was fundamentally damaging the labour movement and fundamentally damaging the Labor Council. Our perspective in the book was broader than just the labour movement or the Labor Council, it was really about economic policy nationally and the requirement for an effective Labor Government to manage through the sorts of changes we were going through at the time.
I think by and large our big calls were validated by events. I think the notion that you can have an open trading nation with a centralized wage fixation system, apart from safety nets is pretty absurd now. I think our analysis about the lack of explanation for why amalgamating unions should offer better services and shouldn't lead to dis-economies of scale has never been rebutted and of course has proven correct in practice.
And I think the outcomes have vindicated the essential thesis of our book. I think the ACTU is still struggling for relevance. I think the Labor Council on the other hand has been a party - a significant leader really, particularly with Michael Costa there as Secretary - in breaking down a lot of the factional and other divisions within the trade union movement generally.
I'm not saying factionalism is dead, but certainly it is a much more open and broad-based NSW labour movement now than it was when Michael became Secretary - and that is a huge achievement. The Labor Council has also been important to the stability and success of the Carr Government. You only have to think of the overwhelming success of the Sydney Olympics compared to the destructive turmoil the Victorian union movement generated during Melbourne's bid for the previous games.
I think once Michael settles in and learns the new rules to the new game he is involved in, he will be an excellent MP and he will be a senior contributor to the front bench of a Carr government as time progresses. I don't think there is any question about that. He has had an enormously wide experience - in fact when you look at Michael's history - when you look at the number of organisations he has been on boards of - he comes to the Parliament extraordinarily highly qualified. He has seen the electricity industry; he has seen workers compensation; he has seen the water industry, he has seen the transport industry, he has seen industrial relations under both Labor and Conservative governments - and he has been deeply involved in all the major policy debates over the period - so he has seen a lot close up.
He is very well qualified to be a Minister and there is no question that he will be as effective a Minister I think, as he has been a Secretary of Labor Council. But for me the real test for Michael is whether he gets 'comfortable and relaxed' or whether he pursues a reformist agenda. There is still so much to be done at the state level. Michael gets bored easily. He seems to be happiest when he is up to neck in a big reform agenda. I wish him all the best - he is one of NSW Labor's finest sons.
Costa, Ducker and Sams |
*********************
There's never been a Labor Council Secretary like Michael Costa. Even though his term was the shortest of living memory, his impact is such that Michael is arguably one of the most successful Secretaries ever. Lest this be regarded as farewell hyperbole, let me outline my case.
The result of Michael's business sense and achievements include a very financially healthy Council; he has achieved things I tried and failed to achieve - including the sale of a lease of Currawong and the takeover of the Trades Hall. This doesn't come easy.
Costa is a hard person to know. Even harder to pigeon hole. Provocative and iconoclastic, viscerally indignant about bureaucratic inefficiency and injustice, an intellectual, he is also in many respects conservative and working class through and through. The Labor Council has produced a line of secretaries since King who could mix it on the work floor and in the board room. Few could match, however, his grasp of business and strategic nous as well as his feel for getting a message across plainly, often bluntly.
I thought I had first heard of Costa in the mid 1980s as a dissident Leftie, challenging Bernie Willingale for control of the AFULE (the train drivers' union). Willingale had led a disastrous six week strike against NSW Transport Minister Barrie Unsworth in 1985/86. The union members were ready for a change. The then tough talking Transport Minister created an environment that would lead to the emergence of fresh blood. Costa was elected President of the Union, attended Labor Council meetings and made an impact.
Once after a meeting of State Rail Unions which I chaired in 1986 or 1987, I thought I had to know this person better. I took him to meet John MacBean, the then Labor Council Secretary. I imagined that Costa might have the potential to do damage or to do good. I wasn't sure. I asked if he was an ALP member. He wasn't. I took him to meet John Della Bosca, then the ALP Assistant Secretary. Before going into the ALP office he asked "You remember I was once in the party, don't you?" I wondered why he would ask. To my embarrassment he explained I had expelled him, years ago. I had forgotten. I hadn't met him at the time he was expelled, sight unseen. Later, I looked up my records. Sure enough, in 1979 I had put in an expulsion charge because he wrote for Direct Action, the official journal of the Socialist Workers' Party. It appeared from one article in that publication, that Michael was a Youth Organiser of the SWP. In part, this put his working experience in various blue collar jobs, including a long stint at Garden Island, in a more nuanced perspective.
Ironically, in 1979 it was Peter Costello, then claiming to be an ALP supporter, who called me to complain about this "mad Trot" he had debated at Wollongong University. I had a soft spot for Trotskyists, however odious might be their political perspective. At least most were fiercely anti-Stalinist. Most grew up. Could Michael transform himself into a social democratic, practical union leader? I thought then that it was worth a punt. A decade later, he wasn't the same person I had expelled. To cut a long story short, before I was elected Secretary in 1989, and after my various discussions with Peter Sams who strongly backed him, Michael was on the ticket to be an Organiser.
Every Secretary begins their term, however hard fought, with goodwill capital. Thereafter, they spend it. If they are any good, they'll renew and deepen support. I tried to foster a debate about the future of the union movement. This was unsettling for some erstwhile supporters. In the Labor Council, in the first phase of my leadership as Secretary, Costa and Mark Duffy, who was a Research and Workers' Compensation Officer, were feisty and demanding. We needed to assess a number of challenges. The anti-left, ideological hold which kept the Right intact was unravelling.
The year after the collapse of the Berlin Wall saw the rapid collapse of most of the European communist regimes. The proud, anti-communist tradition would become irrelevant. More significantly, the role of unions and industrial relations strategies were the major priorities.
Some unions saw the Labor Council as too adventurist on enterprise bargaining and defending the case for enterprise unions. Early in my term it almost ended over a leaked private Labor Council Officers' strategy paper. (Later the ideas were published in Costa and Duffy's The Bonsai Economy Australian Labor in the Nineties). A howling crescendo of abuse followed. The Metal Workers called for their sackings. It was madness. Reading the stuff years later it's hard to know what the fuss was about. At the time, I would have resigned if Costa's resignation was forced. Most affiliates privately wondered whether he should go. Both Bill Kelty and Bob Hawke called to ask what was going on. The overwhelming majority of Labor Council delegates supported the principle that dismissal would be a mistake. In the end, despite Duffy's departure, an important, if wounding victory occurred for thinking aloud in private.
Privately, I learnt a lot from Costa. His reading in economics was more extensive than mine. I read the classic economists as well as, von Hayek and the liberal, free trade economists. How to think about a Labor approach to market reform was an urgent priority. The election of the Greiner Government in 1988, required the Labor Council to probe for weaknesses in the Government ? on the legislative and workers' compensation fronts especially ? and strike a sensible balance between reform and opposition. Costa played a key role in that evolving strategy.
Costa helped make happen difficult things. For example, as joint head of Chifley Financial Services, in battling for better management of the Council's businesses, When Barrie Unsworth became Head of Radio Station 2KY and began to turn around the Station's fortunes, I posted Costa to be there for two reasons. I thought his business and financial acumen could be well applied. Second, because I hoped Barrie would mentor him. If they clicked and worked as a team, Costa would be recharged and stay the distance. I gambled on that.
After my failed attempt to go to the Senate, Costa urged me to stay and fight. His judgement was sounder than mine when I suddenly decided to run for the Senate in 1994. He told me to pull out early. I didn't. I wanted to leave. I hadn't prepared the ground with affiliates. The AWU, a traditional ally, was offside supporting another candidate. With the Prime Minister and the triumvirate of Della Bosca, McLeay and Hutchins opposed to me, with numerous leaks to the press, I was a gonner. No - one in my position should lose so badly. I misread the political landscape. Michael's loyalty was intense, dedicated and appreciated. I feared, however, that unless I bade a rapid departure, that the Labor Council officers' power base would be eroded. That would mean that Costa could fail to be elected. He wasn't then, in 1994, everyone's favourite to become Assistant Secretary. He succeeded because of Peter Sams insistence that the Secretary choose his Deputy and that Michael was the best person for the job. That long simmering battle between principally many of the same people played itself out, one more time, with the election of John Robertson as Secretary upon Michael's departure.
The transformation of the Council's base was the hardest part of Michael's achievement, with some parts of the traditional base dismayed at bringing into the office Lefties and centre leaning union leaders. To do otherwise, however, was death. Michael continued what Peter Sams and I began, but would have found very hard to further implement. The Right could not have survived a continuation of factional divisions and ways of behaving that were more relevant to the Cold War period. In achieving that transformation, Michael was in a tradition of Labor Council Secretaries adapting to the times; and shaping the coalition that could stand behind them. So, in this respect, he built on a past tradition and ethos which, if meaningful, never stops still.
Let me explain the point.
A lot of people don't know what they mean when they refer to the NSW Right. It's always been a coalition, and has evolved over time. Coalition building is always a dynamic process. In the early 1940s, when the Labor Council leadership decisively beat the communist left, the Labor Council was anti-communist, laborist and focused on working to elect a Labor Government. The laborist tradition consolidated with a sustained period of NSW Labor Governments in the 1950s and 1960s; this coincided with the rise of Grouper influence and sharp distinctions between Left and Right. The Split added a new element of bitterness and competition.
This was contained by the Right leadership of the Council electing to be less active in the party and more neutral on the larger political issues. Absurdly enough, at a weekly Labor Council meeting in 1955 the Labor Council President even ruled that discussing politics was out of order. In the latter 1960s, the New Right gradually emerged and became more aggressive in advancing their interests. That was the period when John Ducker emerged as undisputed leader with his able supporters, Barrie Unsworth and John MacBean. The Labor Council Officers developed a reputation as progressive, imaginative leaders. In the late 1960s and 1970s, they supported Whitlam and Wran and the emergence of a modern ALP.
In Unsworth's time as secretary (1979 to 1984), the Labor Council courted white collar unions; the Bank Employees, the nurses, the insurance union and many others all affiliated. A centrist, a non-Right leader of the Bank Employees, Dawson Petie, later Secretary of the Queensland Trades Hall Council, became a Labor Council Vice President. This was the beginning of building a new coalition that could last.
Lest this note appear too uncritical, I have heard some sharp things said against him. For example, I gather that there was a decline in joke telling at Labor Council meetings, from about say the mid 1990s. He must bear some responsibility for that loss.
For Michael, the past 12 years at the Labor Council have been intense, rewarding, exhausting, lonely. The best years of his life. There's a paradox at the heart of the man. Sometimes there's a keen tension between his conflicting beliefs and outlooks. Many of us have wondered if his abrasive, sometimes extreme couldn't-care-a-less- what-you-think perspective might cause him to go up in flames. Those tensions, the paradox, seem however to be one of this strengths.
The first wog Secretary - his Greek Cypriot background set him apart from the six immediate predecessors, the first four of whom were converts to Catholicism and the following two also adherents to that faith. He wasn't the first Secretary to have once been expelled from the ALP. But he was the first ex-Trot. He broke many traditions, sold 2KY and radically shifted the Council's power base.
Not a bad act. We've not seen anything like it. One day soon, I suspect a similar observation might be passed on his role as a Minister in a NSW Labor Government.
|
*****************
Given Michael Costa's fondness for global markets and privatisation, and his claiming of Marx as his ally, he should perhaps reread the words of Mark Duffy and himself, quoting Big Karl, in Labor Prosperity and the Nineties.
On page 158, critiquing Laurie Carmichael, they point out, quite rightly, that Laurie inserts "history" as a character in his analysis, "as if history is a conscious purposeful living being" rather than being something that is made. As Marx, said "men make their own history, but they do not make just as they please..." (quoted by Costa and Duffy p159).
Could it be that in lauding globalisation and claiming that Marx "would be a vocal advocate for globalisation", Costa has forgotten that markets are also are a human construct and that we make and unmake social conditions ourselves? A read of the work of an acute observer writing one hundred years after the Communist Manifesto, Karl Polanyi, would provide him with terrific insights into how the current order was made and "markets" came to dominate. It was not a 'natural' event.
Marx could well agree with the notion of one world market, but would probably be in with the unions arguing for international solidarity and strategies to ensure international social justice went hand in hand with that. Advocates of free market globalisation seem to feel you have to have the free trade more than anything else. Why wouldn't people argue that they need consideration before the needs of capital. Costa in critiquing the Accord, favourably refers to Frank Stilwell's comment (from The Accord and Beyond) that the priority of the new Labor Government was to "use the Accord as a means of for restoring the conditions of private sector profitability." Modes of regulation, of the capitalist economy as Geoff Dow reminds us, are "not dictated by logic but are contingent, the balance between political and market determination is not immutable...economics is really politics." (Dow in Everlasting Uncertainty chapter 3).
The different interpretations are an illustration that there are many versions of Marx, not surprisingly since he wrote so much over a long period. Costa's version has validity, but so do others. Dow also points to the side that Costa has moved away from or ignored. Michael Costa would doubtless agree that capital's historic mission is to attempt to maintain the defining capitalist relations of production and labour's mission is to limit the operation of market forces, and to democratize industrial and economic life as much as possible (Capital vol. 3).
However, our Michael is a person of wide interests and has shown his willingness to shift his thinking on the issues, as his move from leading the radical left to the voice of the ALP Right shows. His concern and his wide social views are exemplified by his calls for his new Legislative Council colleague Michael Egan, to have a social audit (response to this is not for publication at present). He also led off Workers Online with a call for more sex. The results of Labor Council's survey showing workers sex lives have been adversely effected by the 24/7 regime of global capitalism. Unions needed to and had the right to take an interest in these issues he said.
Not that he wasn't willing to take criticism. He and mark Hearn republished Drew Cottle's attack on Labor, Prosperity and the Nineties in Reforming Australia's Unions in which the book is written off as "a safe, factitious institutional history of Australia's 'industrial relations' is presented. The power of the Australian bourgeois and their overseas masters are conspicuously absent."
He led the Labor Council into the information age, and got off a few passing shots at the ACTU on the way. His critique of Unions 2001 by the Evatt Foundation was a continuation of his long-standing opposition to union amalgamations and the inherent centralism they promoted. memorably entitled Super Unions: dinosaurs of the information age, he argued that the super union model completely fails to understand the relationship between structure and strategy in unions. What was the strategic need for super unions? There was no clear one and Unions 2001 tries to provide it after the event. The decentralized industrial relations environment ushered in by enterprise bargaining was too much for the super union structure to handle. A focus on the workplace was absent, to great cost to unions and particularly union members. "The super union is part of the problem not part of the solution". His own solution was partly outlined in an earlier article taking on Max Ogden's Towards Best Practice Unionism where he summed up:
"entrepreneurial unions deserve to grow; conversely, poor pe4rforming unions deserve extinction. A competitive market for union services is what the union movement needs, not more nannies."
More recently, he has pointed out the dangers of focusing of organizing at the expense of retention of existing members, a problem highlighted by the research he commissioned as deputy secretary at Labor Council. Half of the members surveyed felt the union failed to effectively communicate. Plugging this leak should be priority one.
Interesting arguments were developed before Labor Prosperity and the Nineties, arguments that got Mark Duffy sacked and caused a huge furore amongst NSW unions. These arguments were further developed in the book. Certain passages show how far we have traveled. In 1989 Costa and Duffy were warning unions about the likelihood of a Coalition federal govt in the year ahead, on top of the Greiner govt in NSW.
"The Coalition is committed to a drive against union power on Thatcherite lines. The agenda includes voluntary enterprise agreements, genuine voluntary unionism, outlawing the closed shop, increasing sanctions and penalties." A few weeks before Costa and Duffy published this, Paul Keating, Treasurer at the time said the Accord had outlived its usefulness and that "the challenge now is to further develop the process whereby enterprises can deal directly with their workforce."
Looking back, with 20/20 hindsight, we should now question who was off beam then, Costa and Duffy or the barrackers for the Accord and the status quo. Who brought in voluntary agreements? - The ALP in its 1993 IR legislation. Unfortunately for unions the ALP accepted the enterprise agreement idea, backed by Kelty, but the model was one developed by the Business Council, not one thought out by the unions.
Whatever we think of his views the good thing was and is that by speaking what he sees as "the bald truth" he makes others think too. That's what unions especially need at the moment.
The Real Michael Costa? |
***************
It all began in a Karaoke lounge in downtown Tokyo. I was sitting quietly enjoying my drink when suddenly I was hauled up by one of the hostesses, a microphone thrust into my hand and spotlight in my eyes. Standing beside me was an equally stunned Michael Costa. Before we knew it we were propelled into a moving rendition of the Ding Dong Drysdale and Ernie Sigley classic 'Hey Hey Paula/Paul I want to marry you.'
How had I found myself in this position? Only two years before I had joined my comrades at the Teachers auditorium then in Sussex St and called for Michael's head over his hand in the then heretical critique of the ACTU's policy on amalgamation. The Left saw red. Speaker after speaker called for his resignation-. Dr Meredith Burgmann soon to be his colleague in the NSW Legislative Council) then Secretary of the Academic union, Doug Cameron (no doubt relieved he soon won't be a colleague of Michaels), Wendy Caird then NSW Secretary of the CPSU, Stan Sharkey Secretary of the CFMEU. It was one of those nights that Labor Council old-timers fondly remember with a tear in the eye. We wanted blood. Through it all Michael looked smug and unrepentent. Years later when I reminded him of that night I suggested that it might have been a bit more helpful if he had looked a little more contrite. The response was classic Costa. "You think I 'd give you bastards the satisfaction."
But time moves on. Now here I was in Japan as part of a cross-factional delegation Labor Council delegation. The only trouble was that the other left union official Bob Coombs, now Secretary of the MUA, had pulled out at the 11th hour because of union elections and the other right delegate from the Nurses had broken her leg on the day we were leaving. So it was with some trepidation that I arrived in Japan.
I have to admit my initial impressions weren't good. However things improved when we were taken by our hosts at Tokyo Rengo, the peak trade union body in Japan, to the Karoake bar. After our star turn on stage, Michael obviously feeling a little more comfortable launched into a number of solo tracks. Our hosts were impressed. And, clearly thinking that this had been a huge hit with the Australian delegation dragged us off each night for more.
This trip exposed Michael's hitherto very well disguised softer, sensitive and indeed artistic side. Yet I still wondered how he would cope with a night out with my counterpart union the Japanese Actors Union. We had been invited to dinner with the renowned actor Toshiro Mifune, star of the Seventh Samurai and considered a national living treasure in Japan as well as another union colleague, one of the leading Kabuki actors of the day. At first things were I admit a little bit formal. However with a little saki-enforced courage, Michael was soon arm in arm with our Japanese hosts crooning such standard greats as I left my Geisha in old Kyoto.
But it would be misleading of me to suggest that Michael was a totally changed charachter. Far from it. Never shy of an argument, Michael burnt my ears morning to dusk with his views everything. - Marx,"(had some insight") this sushi ("delicious") Fukuyama ("said it all"), the LEFT ("who?") The third way ("my way") Ducker "(Not Drucker! Ducker-Brilliant"). Exhausted I would resort to just agreeing with Michael in the hope he would give in. No such luck. Michael would just reverse his position so we could start the whole argument again from the other side.
I'm sure the prospect of arguing with me was one of the reasons why he supported my nomination to Labor Council as the first left wing official employed at Labor Council for 125 years. Though lets face, it isn't as if Michael has ever been short of sparring partners.
For the most part I have to say Michael was reasonably restrained given that my role sometimes involved putting matters forward from a "different perspective". However things took a nasty turn when I berated him for his comments following the appointment of ACTU President Sharon Burrows that we needed to promote younger women and then went on to name a series of younger women he thought right for the post of ACTU President... In the ensuing outcry from women in the movement, Michael defended himself and suggested that he had been misinterpreted. Whether this was the case or not he had touched a raw nerve with a number of women who felt that there was a view that to be successful in politic or unions women needed to conform to a particular stereotype. Partly to address this concern and I have to say have some fun I drafted a brief article for Workers Online called Trade Union Barbie.
I badly underestimated his reaction, which was apoplectic. In the end I fear I had to threaten the wrath of the Trade Union Women's Committee to get my reply published.
In retrospect I think however that perhaps this entire incident was all part of an elaborate plan by Michael to earn himself an Ernie. Initiated by Meredith Burgmann the annual Ernie's Awards, named after infamous AWU boss Ernie Ecob, awarded various awards for sexist comment. Peter Sams the previous Labor Council Secretary had won a Gareth for most improved a few years before. Clearly the way for Michael to top this was to go the other way. And in his usual determined and persistent way he succeeded ,deeply cherishing his Ernie.
Whatever his motives however the reality is that Michael has always been a strong supporter of promoting women in the trade union movement across all ages and politics. His friends include Sandra Moait the President of Labor Council and Secretary of the Nurses union, Vice President and Media Alliance head Michel Hryce, Lynne Polson the former head of the FSU who used to say me "Costa's half cooked-but I like him." Alison Peters, the Deputy Assistant Secretary of Labor Council and former ACTU chief and Throsby candidate Jennie George.
Now Michael is off to Macquarie St to contribute his very considerable skills, talent and unique brand of personal warmth. But don't be alarmed if you hear the gentle strains of Kyoto station wafting down those the corridors of power late at night Its just Michael warming up for his next center stage performance.
L-R MacBean, Unsworth, Ducker, Easson, Costa, Sams |
*************
Michael Costa's election as a member of the Legislative Council of New South Wales at a joint sitting of the Parliament continues a tradition, which stretches back for more than eighty years.
Labor Council Secretary E J Kavanagh became an M.L.C. during World War 1 and was Minister for Labor and Industry in the Story and Dooley Labor Governments of 1920-22.
Michael has become the seventh Labor Council Secretary to serve as a member of the Upper House.
He follows Kavanagh, King, Kenny, Marsh, Ducker and Unsworth.
Michael Costa is without doubt the best qualified Labor Council Secretary to have transferred to the Legislature and will certainly make a significant contribution on behalf of working people in this state.
With a Sydney university degree and a decade of economic management experience in a variety of posts within Labor Enterprises and Statutory Trading and Regulatory Authorities, Michael takes an expertise to the Legislature, which is unsurpassed.
The strength of his background is that unlike many contemporary union officials who come to the union movement straight from university without any work experience, Michael started work at an early age and worked in basic labouring jobs, whilst at the same time undertaking his tertiary studies.
After working as an Ironworker in the Power and Ship Repair Industry, Michael trained as a Locomotive Engineman. In this position he won election as President of his Union.
Michael is also the first person to have become Secretary of the Labor Council from a non-English speaking migrant background.
His early experience of the problems confronting migrant families ensured that he brought to the Labor Council a commitment to fight discrimination and intolerance.
During his twelve years work at the Labor Council Michael has undertaken a variety of tasks that have provided him with insights into every aspect of business activity.
Directorships of the State Rail Authority, Electricity Generators Pacific Power and Eraring Energy, Graincorp and Sydney Water have over time provided Michael with the opportunity to influence the administrative policy and decision making of a wide area of Government activity.
Michael Costa is widely respected for his managerial skills and expertise in the financial management of Boards on which he has served.
As Secretary he has proved to be highly successful particularly in managing the financial affairs of the Labor Council and its Broadcasting and Property interests.
During his involvement with 2KY the broadcasting station embarked on a period of growth by establishing a state-wide racing radio network.
This added substantial value to the asset and enabled a sale to TAB Limited for a significant amount.
Michael has also ensured long term financial security for the Labor Council by the careful management of the Sussex Street and Parramatta properties.
Even the loss making Currawong property did not escape his attention and it appears that he will be the first Labor Council Secretary to stem the drain on Council finances caused by the holiday resort.
With this background Michael will soon become a highly regarded member of the Carr Labor Government and bring credit to the Trade Union Movement from whence he came.
There is a remarkable similarity in Michael Costa's work and achievements so far and those of former New South Wales Premier William McKell, a Boilermaker and Union Official, who studied law and went on to become a great Labor Leader and an inspiration to current generations of Labor Party members.
Michael's colleagues all wish him success in the years ahead that he will spend in the Parliament continuing his good work on behalf of the people of New South Wales.
Costa & Sams |
***************
Every Labor Council Secretary has imprinted on the position his own style, personality and priorities. Michael Costa was no different.
Despite his relatively short tenure he was, in my opinion, a great Labor Council Secretary. He achieved much in a very short time.
Many have described Michael as aggressive, arrogant and, sometimes, downright rude. This is not the Michael I know. Having worked closely with him for many years, I saw the other side of him - warm, friendly, loyal and caring. I could not have asked for a more loyal deputy.
Michael never craved the Secretaryship. Indeed, I hazard a guess he never really wanted it. But when elected, he was unrelenting and tireless in championing the importance of the Council's work on behalf of New South Wales workers. He achieved many of the things that previous Secretaries had dreamed of but could never achieve (including myself).
Some described our roles during the period we were Secretary and Assistant Secretary as that of "good cop, bad cop" (no guessing who was who!). However, there was much more to our relationship than that. My interests were largely industrial, Michael's was ensuring Labor Council strengthened its financial position and long term future. It was a beautiful symmetry.
Some would blanch at the thought of Michael as caring. But there are many examples I saw of this side of him. While I hope not to embarrass him, one incident particularly springs to mind. As Assistant Secretary, Michael insisted he give up his car spot under the building for a pregnant staff member who was parking much further away - such was his concern for her welfare.
Michael's talents are far too important to be lost to the labour movement and I know he will make an enormously valuable contribution to the Parliament of New South Wales.
Peter Sams is now a Deputy President on the NSW Industrial Relations Commission
Costa with Mikey Robbins |
**********************
Michael Costa was never somebody I ever imagined that I would become good friends with.
Ex-Trotskyite come economic rationalist who had a history of being a bomb thrower especially towards things "national" eg. The ACTU, Federal Offices of Unions, in fact anything that didn't have New South Wales as part of its name.
Here I was staunchly Left (but a pragmatist), an ACTU loyalist and very much a "nationalist" in trade union terms contemplating an offer by Michael to work for the Labor Council of New South Wales.
My first meeting with Michael Costa was in 1996 and if it wasn't for the Olympic Games we would not have met at all. The Labor Council of New South Wales had seconded a resolution proposed by my Union the LHMU with respect to Industrial Relations issues for the Olympic Games. The then Secretary, Peter Sams, flicked the issue to Michael Costa I'm sure to keep an eye on what the LHMU were up to.
It wasn't long after we began negotiations with SOCOG that I found myself sharing similar views to Costa on a whole range of practical issues not just our strategies around the Olympic Games. I use the word practical because our working relationship was about dealing with real the issues of the day which effected workers and the labor movement. I'd finally found a senior person in the NSW Right who had a similar view to mine that factions in the ALP were out-living their usefulness. We both agreed that the trade union movement could not afford the luxury of factional in-fighting when union membership was dramatically falling.
Costa had convinced me that the Labor Council was operating as far as practicable in a defactionalised way and that this would continue whilst ever he was the leader. He already had Naomi Steer on board (nominated by the left) but wanted to bring in another officer who would be broadly acceptable to all unions whether left or right.
The challenge of working in this environment was so appealing that I decided that there was nothing lost by giving it ago. Several years later Costa leaves behind a legacy of a Labor Council which has a diverse group of officers who put the interests of the trade union movement first and factions second. The Council is quite a different beast to the way the ALP head office operates.
Many things have been said about Costa by his adversaries but as Secretary of Labor Council he has turned the NSW union movement into an outward looking progressive institution which is not frightened to organize and campaign around a range of diverse issues.
He embraced the organizing approach with both resources and vigor. He established a communication medium through Workers-On-Line, which enabled debate and constructive criticism.
He took the fight up to the State Labor Government on a range of issues including contracting out, particularly in State Rail.
He ran his Executive based on a consensus model wherever possible and played an instrumental role in ensuring the NSW union movement had a real and important role during the lead up to and operation of the Olympic Games.
Michael himself might regard his reconstruction agenda for Currawong, the sale of 2KY, or initial moves to restore Trades Hall as also great achievements. In my view however his ability to bring people together and break down the old left/right union rivalries by campaigning on issues of common cause was his greatest attribute.
Notwithstanding his achievements, especially in his time as Secretary of Labor Council, his biggest challenge is yet to come.
If Costa really believes in defactionalisation beyond the trade union movement then he is about to step into one of the great drivers of factionalism, the NSW Parliamentary Caucus. I've often said that once factional caucusing stops at Macquarie Street factions will become far less relevant.
Of course Costa will be part of one of the right-wing tribes in Macquarie Street. How can it be otherwise if he is to fulfill an aspiration to be part of the leadership of any future A.L.P. Government?
However the protocols, the customs, the practice, the gagging and the arm twisting will all cause him great angst, especially when we know he has a strong view on most things.
Costa will want to get things done, cut through the bureaucracy and bullshit. He won't want to be held back necessarily by factional constraints in caucus. If anything he'll want to provide leadership and work through the issues.
Time will only tell whether his ideals of defactionalisation succumbs to the practical imperative of having to be a factional "yes man" in N.S.W.
Based on history and the way the A.L.P. works, most will put their money on the later. For mine I'll take the long odds and say by the time he departs Parliament the NSW A.L.P. in Macquarie Street will work somewhat differently than it does now.
|
***********************
Oh Leon where did I go wrong!
I've had to seek benediction,
From an awful Catholic faction,
l've done my time as Secretary
and now its to an upper house peneteniary,
Where I will have a go as a Labor MLC,
with Meredith Burgmann in the chair
Allowing all to bite, snarl and stare.
xxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
Oh Leon where did I go wrong!
World revolution didn't come,
So I've thrown my lot in with Johno and his mum,
Conference is always so much fun,
Using all the tactics you taught me
To taunt the Lefties and the trendies
Don't they know I've organised a railway -
Thomas and all his chums!
xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
Oh Leon where did I go wrong!
Trades Hall is just so drab
No-one understands my gift of the gab
and penetrating intellect.
It's been such a chore to take over from Peter and
from Michael
I didn't mean to be so spiteful.
I really can at times be quite delightful!
xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
Oh Leon where did I go wrong!
I read five books before brekkie and even taunted Kelty
about his amalgamation strategy!
On a Harvard Course funded by the ultra right I've even had a go at Robert Reich!
and poor old Less than Thorough will never be the same
after I complained.
But do you think they'd say "I was right".
Oh no, alas Leon, no-one understands poor old moi.
But I am right, you know, I am.
xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
Oh Leon where did I go wrong!
Now its off to work with MIchael Egan
and good old Amanda to boot
Well find something to do
Perhaps I will one day run this state
If only I could find a friend or two!
Who would just believe in me, and my
gifted barbery,
Perhaps I'll ask Mark Duffy to come back and work for me.
Rowan Cahill |
********************
I was en route to Sydney the morning of the terrorist attacks on New York and Washington, and stopped for fuel some 120 kilometres from the CBD. The service station was a modern outfit, complete with a bowser forest, ATM, a well stocked convenience store, motor repair shop, and rural machinery franchise.
Whilst paying for my fuel, I overheard four locals discussing the terrorist attacks; they had apparently absorbed a couple of hours of television coverage.
"I reckon Bush should raze the Middle East", said one of the speakers. The group nodded heads in agreement, including the man I took to be the proprietor, given his uniform, group body language, and the deference extended to him. Collectively, and ironically given where we were, a zilch understanding of the geo-politics of oil was on display.
"Did you see them dancing in the streets, celebrating?" ventured a thirty-something woman from a bull-bared newish four-wheel drive. She was referring to contentious television footage of alleged West Bank Palestinian youth celebrating the terrorist attacks. "Death's too good for those Hebrews," she continued, demonstrating a grasp of history, geography, race, culture, politics, and religion that literally blasted right off the Richter scale.
During the days that followed the dreadful attacks, there was blanket local television coverage of events, choreographed by US networks, couched in Cold War terminology and the language of Hollywood. US President Bush came into Australian living rooms sounding uncomfortably like the mad Dr. Strangelove, infused with the creepy rhetoric of right-wing Christianity.
There was condemnation aplenty, as there had to be, but little in the way of critical analysis. For the most part, the painfully obvious, the knee jerk reaction, and the official line dominated. The burning question: Why is it that America has so many enemies? was not addressed. Nor was there any attempt to explain why people who had presumably been born as normal human beings, with all the human capacity to care and love, should have chosen to end their lives in mass murder and suicide.
The absence of such analysis and informed critical comment allowed the sort of misinformation and ignorance I had overheard at the service station to fester and proliferate. Nor did it help that somewhere along the line, sixteenth century French astrologer Nostradamus got a run, helping drive sales of his prophecies to the top of American best-seller lists; he even got time locally on Channel 9.
American television coverage reflected a disturbing American trend, best illustrated by a recent analysis by Colman McCarthy, a former Washington Post columnist ditched by his paper in 1997 because it was alleged he wasn't making enough money for his employer. A pacifist, Colman had been a Post columnist since 1969.
Colman examined the 430 opinion pieces published in the Post during June, July and August 2001. Of these 420 were by right-wingers and centrists; only 10 by columnists one could consider Left.
Even before the terrorist attacks, Americans were not exactly getting access to a range of opinion and comment in the mainstream media.
Back on the homefront, local talkback radio in particular gave time and space to the generation and promulagation of misinformation, lies, and racist madness. The term "animals" gained currency on the air waves.
By the end of the week ethnic hatred had been conjured from out of the Australian Heart of Darkness. Significant anti-Muslim abuse and attacks were taking place in the three Eastern States, including the stoning of kids of Arabic descent, and grafitti and arson attacks on schools and mosques.
Fertile ground for this racist hatred had been prepared earlier by Prime Minister Howard when he played the Hanson electoral card during his handling of the Tampa asylum seekers, thereby demonising them.
In the aftermath of the terrorist attacks, there were Australian opinion makers who suggested there could well be future terrorists amongst the Afghan refugees currently seeking asylum in Australia.
Arguably NSW Premier Carr had also contributed to the racist inflammation with his recent poll-driven emphasis on enthnicity and crime.
Unfortunately, racism has historically been one of Australia's most powerful, and distinguishing, national emotions and characteristics. It is a card that political power players should avoid like the plague. Once played it leads in directions that cannot be forecast or controlled; directions as varied and complex as the darknesses of the human soul.
Issue Number 111 of Workers Online was a notable exception to the Australian journalistic excesses and bloody mindedness of the week. Editor Peter Lewis, and Neale Towart, helped readers access a view of American events that did not simply rubber stamp the US Administration line.
In doing so they followed a notable Australian, and Sydney, precedent overlooked by most historians. During World War 2, two labour movement papers became the source of alternative war news and Left comment, particularly during the crucial early war years when censorship, the draconian curtailment of civil liberties, and the shortage of newsprint, made the public captive of official propaganda.
The papers were the Ironworker (journal of the Federated Ironworkers' Association), and Progress (last issued July 1946). According to historians Robert Murray and Kate White, the Ironworker became "something of a popular cause amongst left-wing intellectuals".
|
***********
The MUA will mark World Maritime Day (September 27) with protests, surfing competitions, ceremony & silence for seafarers lost at sea in war and peace.
In Newcastle wharfie and surfer Christian Loades is drenching himself in �oil� beside the wreck of the Signa on Stockton beach today at 3pm to demonstrate the threat to our beaches in both war and peace time. And in Wollongong next weekend wharfie and surfer Gary Cauldwell will stage a dramatic protest on the beach at 10am to open the MUA Koori Challenge surfing event. He will emerge from the waves covered as if from an oil spill, drawing attention to the risk substandard shipping poses to our environment. The ceremony opening the surfing comp will also feature Koori dances. The event has attracted top surf talent from all over Australia.
In Sydney a procession of maritime workers retired and seagoing will take part in the traditional march of honour behind a full brass band over the old Pyrmont Bridge to the anchor outside the Maritime Museum in Darling Harbour in memory of all those who have perished at sea. Special guest speakers are Rear Admiral Tony Hunt (retired Royal Australian Navy) and Peter Morris, founder of the ships of shame parliamentary inquiry and now chair of the International Commission on Shipping. In Melbourne the union is holding a similar function at the Pollywoodside Maritime Museum with retired Captain Bill Bolitho former ANL chairman as guest of honour.
Mr Morris released a damning report earlier this year exposing the widespread slavery and environmental risks posed by substandard vessels operating in the world�s deregulated cut throat shipping industry. He is also speaking at a Newcastle function on Tuesday 25 at 11.30am, Club Nova.
Similar events are being staged worldwide as the International Transport Workers� Federation calls on affiliates to mark the day by highlighting the effects of globalisation on the world�s seafarers and our environment.
The MUA/ITF safe ships, clean seas campaign has won widespread support from surfing fraternity and celebrities nationwide, with WA protests and surfing contests timed to mark the10th anniversary of the Kirki oil tanker disaster in July. Supporting the campaign is surfing legend longboard national title holder and former world champ Wayne Deane.
MUA beachside protests will continue nationwide during Spring in the lead up to the Federal election to promote public awareness of the environmental dangers posed by the Government�s policy of allowing substandard foreign shipping to trade on our
The Nation |
Terrorist Attacks
Well over the last two weeks the net has been the place where the world has got the latest information, news and views about the terrorist attacks in New York and the implications for the world in the aftermath. I thought this week I would list a number of sites that have some good info on the latest happenings and also some sites that put forward different views to the standard CNN/ABC/CBS/NewsLimited line.
FirstGov is the official portal to all US Government websites located at http://www.first.gov it has set up a special section which reports on all the latest actions of all US Government agencies.
The Common Dreams News Centre http://www.commondreams.org is a US based news service which caters for the progressive community and is currently featuring a lot of coverage on the backlash against American Muslims and what the peace movement is doing in the US.
The AFL-CIO has set up a special website for American Unionists http://www.aflcio.org and features stories about unionists involved in the rescue effort and what the union movements' response in the US and Globally has been. New York unions organized for some of the first rescue workers to get top the WTC.
Working for Change http://www.workingforchange.org has a lot of interesting commentaries by people such as David Suzuki and Alexander Cockburn on the implications of the current drive towards war and is well worth checking out.
The Nation http://www.thenation.com is a well respected progressive magazine from New York and its website has some good commentary from well known academics and activists such as Tariq Ali, Naomi Klein, Noam Chomsky. The site also has great achieves on previous disputes in the middle east and terrorism.
The Slate http://slate.msn.com is a US political magazine and has a lot of news and views on what are the political ramifications of the attack and any US response.
OneWorld.net http://www.oneworld.net is the online presence of the New Internationalist magazine. It has a information on the situation in Afghanistan and Central Asia.
I'm sure everyone knows LabourStart http://www.labourstart.org but I just thought I would remind everyone to check it out and how unions around the world are coping with the economic situation.
US Unions have set up a Community Fund http://www.unioncommunityfund.org to assist workers and their families who have been effected by the attack.
Ansett
The ACTU http://www.actu.asn.au has set up a new section on their website about the collapse of Ansett. It contains all the latest information for Ansett workers and supporters on the campaign to Keep Ansett Flying.
If you have any sites you want Paul to review let him know mailto:[email protected].
*********************
It was Yellow Canary who this week dismissed the gruesome impact of Ansett's collapse on the Australian tourism industry as "just a little blip". She also publicly backed plans by Qantas to sideline Ansett workers by leasing international aircraft. And as the final punch-line, she described the current climate of global fear and loathing that has plunged the aviation sector to the brink of the abyss with the priceless observation that air travel has "never been safer or more well priced".
Seasoned Canberra-observers have described the Question Time performance as vintage Kelly - "an unusually unsophisticated politician". Her oratory style in the House is as over-stated as it is ineffectual - delivered with all the rhythm of a stand-up comedienne in search of a punch-line that never comes. Some have likened it to the stream of consciousness that made Joh Bjielke Petersen a household name.
Kelly holds the western Sydney seat of Lindsay, and has been up to her neck in trouble this week for manufacturing a Law and Order pamphlet, with purports to show that the Opposition leader supports drug liberalisation. To prove it she has reproduced a headline from the Australian Financial Review which reads "Drugs, terror and dud bills ... oh dear, leader Kim". What it doesn't point out is that the headline refers to the North Korean leader Kim Jong-Il and not Bomber Beazley. The pamphlet has been referred to the Australian Electoral Commission with a view to breaching guidelines for publicly funded material.
It's clumsy cloak and dagger stuff, that has become Kelly's modus operandi and turned her into a political joke. Mere incompetence? Or is there something more sinister going on? Could the Yellow Canary be a member of a secret cell group, placed into the Australian community to weaken it from within?
Consider the facts:
- born in Upper Hutt and raised as a New Zealander, she enters Australia amongst a wave of economic refugees.
- on arriving in Australia lies dormant for several years, before joining a paramilitary organisation calling itself the Air Force
- links up with a secretive far-right group, the Liberal Party of Australia (LPA) and stands for public office, while concealing her true citizenship status.
- opens her home to LPA operatives, who register themselves as residents, even though they live in other parts of the country.
- makes high-level contact with government by manipulating a Mata Hari-type attraction with the nation's leader.
- unleashes a program of confusion over the site of Sydney's second airport, advocating 12 separate sites, including a floating runway off the coast!
- meanwhile, evidence emerges that other Kiwi plants infiltrate Ansett and meet with Kelly who offers them 'absolute' support for their plans.
- on the designated day, her cell is activated and the New Zealanders withdraw from Ansett, Kelly strategically in place to ensure that noone in government lifts a finger in its defence.
What emerges is a profile of a masterful economic terrorist who masquerades as a political dope. As we move to secure our national borders at time of geopolitical crisis we must make the removal of Kelly from her western Sydney stronghold and bring her to account for her crimes against the Australian community. Send in the SAS, its time to attack the enemy within!
© 1999-2000 Labor Council of NSW LaborNET is a resource for the labour movement provided by the Labor Council of NSW URL: http://workers.labor.net.au/112/print_index.htmlLast Modified: 15 Nov 2005 [ Privacy Statement | Disclaimer | Credits ] LaborNET is proudly created, designed and programmed by Social Change Online for the Labor Council of NSW |