by Rowan Cahill
Their decision followed a tense and frustrating month of on-and-off talks variously involving the unions involved (the AMWU, AWU, and CEPU), the Joy company, and the ACTU, and Australian Industrial Relations Commission hearings.
Then on Monday this week Justice Paul Munro handed down his arbitrated decision on pay in the AIRC, awarding the 63 workers involved in the dispute a 12 per cent rise over the next three years.
This was in contrast to the Joy offer of 5 per cent over 24 months rejected by unions in March.
As part of the return to work settlement, all legal cases pending against unions and union officials will be dropped by Joy, and scabs imported from interstate will leave the worksite.
Significantly, one workplace agreement will cover the workers instead of the company's preferred strategy of four separate agreements with four separate expiry dates and wage outcomes.
This was one of the major points originally in dispute. The four-agreement strategy was perceived by Joy unionists as part of an agenda to deunionise their workplace.
The workers seem happy with, and relieved by, the settlement, although there are concerns about their long-term security.
According to AMWU organiser Alan Ward, the outcome is "an excellent victory for workers".
Joy remains a unionised workplace. The conduct of workers during the dispute demonstrates the capacity of unionists to organise locally and roll-back the blackness of the soul enshrined in the industrial legislation of Peter "Phone-calls" Reith.
This victory did not happen in isolation. The Moss Vale workers and their unions worked hard to develop moral, political, and financial support locally, nationally, and internationally.
It was no easy victory. A small semi-rural community was scarred by the dispute. The workers involved were without incomes for most of the year, surviving on anorexic budgets, personal savings, the contributions of families and friends, family allowance payments where applicable, and Strike Fund payments.
Their families and relationships were placed under stress, and there was considerable mental anguish.
It will take great skill and effort by all concerned to the heal wounds, and to enable the name of Joy to be associated with something approximating its dictionary meaning.
Meanwhile...
Last night the NSW Labor Council send their congratulations to the Joy workers. Michael Costa sais it was a victory on a par with the MUA dispute.
'It was another defeat for the anti-union agenda. Workers stood up for their principles and they got a victory,' he said.
'The only way to resolve these sort of disputes is to abolish the Workplace Relations Act.'
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ASU Secretary Luke Foley says these companies have been targeting young people, mainly in the western suburbs of Sydney, with the promise of a high paying career.
'We are currently taking up the case of a group of young people who were offered jobs, then asked to pay $595 for 'training' and then worked for months telemarketing without payment of any kind,' he says.
'Not only did these people not receive any wages their training money which most of them had to borrow was not refunded and the experience did not lead to any paying job with the company.'
One of the women on the wrong end of a scam, Heidi Oncur, urged Labor Council delegates for their support last night.
'We weren't given a chance because it was a scam from the beginning. There are about 80 others involved. It was conducted out west targeting people like mothers and young people leaving school trying to make a career. For them it's a big kick in the guts,' she said
Michael Costa threw the weight of the Labor Council behind the ASU.
'It is outrageous, a complete disgrace. The community will support us in wiping out this bastard behaviour.
Heidi asked supporters to show their support outside the NSW Industrial Relations Commission in Phillips Street on Monday at 9am when her case will be heard.
The bank is now on track for a record $1.3 billion profit this year. It has already closed 88 branches in the past 12 months with a further 10 already announced as closing before Christmas.
NSW/ACT FSU Secretary Geoff Derrick says employees of the National have reported consistent understaffing in virtually all areas of the bank's operations and are now faced with the prospect of even more customer abuse because of the bank's policies.
'These are the same people who delivered an average net profit of $67,657 per full time employee last year. They are the ones who take the brunt of customer outrage. There are physical assaults and verbal abuse, they are called 'lazy sluts' and get slow handclaps from people in queues.
Geoff Derrick says the market has a hunger for these cuts which are about boosting the share price.
'After announcing cuts this week the NAB share price went up 28c,' he says.
'This announcement reinforces the view that the Australian finance sector will not self regulate to meet the industry's social obligations to provide fair and affordable access for all Australians to the financial system. It follows similar cutbacks to jobs and services made by the Commonwealth, Westpac, St George and ANZ this year.'
'We will continue our campaign for legislation to enforce community service obligations on the industry.'
Responding to the report ACTU Secretary Greg Combet has labelled Peter Reith's Australian Workplace Agreement (AWA) individual contracts an abject failure.
"We have known for some time that Australian workers don't like Peter Reith's secretive and divisive individual contracts. What these figures show is that Australian employers are also turning their backs on Mr Reith's AWA's," said Mr Combet.
'The Working it out? Why employers choose the agreements they do' report was prepared by the Australian Centre for Industrial Relations, Research and Training based on the results of a comprehensive survey of Australian Business Limited members.
Mr Combet said the report reinforced the need for Governments to ensure that the Award system remained strong and relevant.
The report found that Awards are the most common form of arrangement governing wages and conditions for more than 37% of workers in 40% of workplaces.
"Awards remain the most important mechanism we have for ensuring that Australian working people, especially the low paid, are able to maintain a decent standard of living," said Mr Combet.
Next month, the ACTU will launch its Living Wage 2000 campaign. The campaign will aim to have Award rates of pay increased to maintain and improve living standards for low paid workers.
"Many working families are doing it tough. They are really struggling in the face of huge increases in petrol prices, interest rates and GST price rises. There needs to be a significant increase in Award rates of pay to ensure that the low paid are not left behind," said Mr Combet.
Michael Costa says Labor Council will be writing to the Prime Minister urging an inquiry to get to the bottom of the whole Reith telecard fiasco.
'It's extraordinary this story. It's full of contradictions and failures to disclose. The whole story hasn't come out. We want Reith to resign. He has to be brought to account for something that has its genesis in his own activities not someone else's activities,' he says.
ASU Clerical Branch Secretary Michael Want says a judicial inquiry should occur with some degree of urgency following revelations by the so called Miss X in the affair, Ingrid Odgers.
'Ms Rodger's claims are in direct conflict with Mr Paul Reith's account of events. Solicitor-General David Bennett has not cross examined Peter Reith, Paul Reith, or Ms Odgers. Mr Reith claimed he gave the card for emergency use only and Reith continued to use it for other than emergencies. This should be thoroughly examined,' he says.
'Finally there are the implications of the Prime Minister in this whole Reith Rort. How much did he know, when did he know it and why did he endeavour to keep it from the Australian people
by Andrew Casey
"The reality is that John Howard has nicked money from child care centres. Our members want to see that money returned when Kim Beazley becomes Prime Minister," Carmel Cook, the Hunter Region Secretary for the LHMU, said today.
Hunter region child care workers have mounted a campaign to explain to their local community what has happened to child care funding.
" Our members organised a large rally in August on the Newcastle foreshore. It got a lot of public support. Now we're taking the campaign to Kim Beazley," Carmel Cook said.
Beazley is campaigning in the Hunter region and will be addressing a large rally at the Kurri Workers Club at midday on Saturday November 4, 2000.
Carmel and her members in the Hunter region are planning to meet Kim at the rally with a petition and banners, posters and songs promoting the child care cause.
" We'll be taking a couple of hundred members and supporters to Kurri Kurri and we hope others will join us at the Workers Club because it is a great opportunity to talk to the Federal Labor Leader."
Also speaking at the rally will be Sharan Burrow, the ACTU President, and Edith Morgan from the Retired Pensioners and Superannuants.
For further information about the child care petition and the rally please contact Carmel Cook 02 4929 3314 - or send her an e-mail on [email protected]
by Andrew Casey
The LHMU Hotel Union, earlier this week, wrote a strongly worded letter to the Minister demanding he stand up and apologise in Parliament for his off-the-cuff statement that a hotel receptionist might have 'stolen' his Telecard numbers .... and then possibly passed them around to friends.
" The only evidence so far is that the elites - and their sons, daughters, friends and acquaintances - are the ones who have put their noses in the taxpayers trough," Tim Ferrari, the Assistant National Secretary of the LHMU, said today.
"Mr Reith however was quick, early on in this fiasco, to blame an ordinary taxpayer, a battler, one of our members - a Hotel receptionist."
Mr Ferrari - in his letter to Mr Reith - said: " Ever since you have taken on the position of Minister for Workplace Relations Australian workers have got used to your knee-jerk 'blame-the-worker' reaction.
" To try to fend off criticism of your acknowledged unlawful activity in handing out your number to your son you found it opportune, once again, to 'blame-the-worker'.
" There was no evidence for your statement," Mr Ferrari's letter pointed out to the Minister.
" It was a convenient throw away line to try to spread the stink created by your misuse of taxpayers money.
" We believe you should stand up in Parliament and apologise to our members. All the evidence now publicly available shows that no hotel worker, at any time, was involved in the misuse of your Telecard.
"The hospitality and tourism industry is an important, growing, export dollar earner for this country.
"Your imputations on the honesty of the workers in this industry can harm the growing employment opportunities of our members.
"The LHMU proudly represents more than 150,000 hard working women and men throughout Australia - and on their behalf we write to demand you apologise as soon as possible, in Parliament, to all hospitality workers," the letter from the LHMU concluded.
CPSU Communications Union assistant secretary Stephen Jones said that was the "obvious lesson to be drawn" from revelations that the telecommunciations giant had replaced 1000 laid-off workers with an equal number of casuals.
The information was revealed by company general manager of employee relations, Rob Cartwright, in an internal document which fell into the hands of the Australian Financial Review.
The paper quoted chief executive, Dr Ziggy Switkowski, telling fellow executives to expect "blood on the floor" if Telstra couldn't meet its plan to axe another 10,000 jobs.
Jones said the apparently-surreptitious replacement of permanent staff with contract labour which doesn't show up in the carrier's official staff tally, was a grim warning to consumers.
"It appears there is a massive fraud going on with employees being made redundant while new staff are smuggled in the back door," Jones said.
Details of Telstra's hidden labour force came as the company attempted to woo investors as part of its drive to convince the Government it should be given the green light for full privatisation.
by Andrew Casey
On November 1 the national Wattyl agreement, which covers three hundred LHMU members, expires. The Taubmans agreements in Victoria and Queensland expire in December. Dulux agreements expire in December in Victoria and Queensland, and in February for WA.
"The Paint 2000 Campaign seeks to mobilise our membership to win improved conditions across the industry, in a move away from site-by-site bargaining," Cheryl Hyde, Assistant National Secretary of the LHMU, said.
" The three largest paint companies in Australia have enterprise agreements which expire over the coming weeks. Our delegates at Wattyl have met a number of times with the company to discuss our key demands."
The demands are based on a series of national meetings of all Paint delegates, from all Paint companies - as well as rank-and-file meetings. The key demands of the Paint 2000 campaign are:
"The national campaign is a response to the increasing centralisation and rationalisation that is going on in the paint industry," Cheryl Hyde, LHMU Assistant National Secretary, said.
"The companies have moved away from regional, state-by-state, strategies to national strategies. "If the companies want national, rationalised and centralised, strategies, they should also adopt national - not regional - pay agreements for their workforce," Ms Hyde said.
Problems include overpayments, underpayments and incorrect bank account details appearing on payslips.
Despite assurances from AFFA management, many staff are still experiencing difficulties in dealing with Price Waterhouse Coopers to resolve the mistakes.
National President of the (CPSU), Matthew Reynolds, says, "It is not good enough. Our members have the right to expect that their pay will be delivered in full and on time. Irrespective of whether AFFA or the provider is at fault, AFFA embarked on the outsourcing under a promise of better service at a lower cost. While the total cost is yet to be determined, the service has been much worse."
CPSU believes that the problems at AFFA are just one example of a widespread deterioration in service levels and accountability in the public sector as a result of the Government's drive to outsource to the private sector.
"John Fahey's outsourcing dream has become a nightmare. It is clear that the Government's mad rush to contract out the public service is actually decreasing, not increasing standards. And as for saving money, the recent Audit Office report into IT outsourcing shows that Mr Fahey estimates of billion dollar savings were totally unfounded. Surely, it time to stop the madness," added Mr Reynolds.
by Phil Davey
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Mr Kazak reeled off a long list of UN resolutions which Israel is in violation of, and made clear his peoples appreciation of the consistent support given by the Australian Union movement to the Palestinian cause.
Mr Kazak told Labor Council that over 100 Palestinians had been killed by Israeli soldiers in this latest round of killings, and 4,000 wounded. He stated that 30% of these casualties were children.
In thanking Mr Kazak for his address, Labor Council Secretary reiterated Council's support for a Palestinian nation existing alongside the Israeli state, and called for both sides in this most traguic off conflicts, to step back from the apocalypse and re-start the quest for a just and final peace.
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Bring out the banners once again
You union women, union men
That all around may plainly see
The power of our unity.
The event was Choral Sea 2000, a concert bringing together Sydney's diverse choral communities as a massed choir with performers from many cultural backgrounds.
"The Sydney Trade Union Choir was delighted not only to be part of the Choral Sea, but also to be chosen to teach a song to the massed choirs. Being part of the Paralympics Arts festival was a bonus," said choir member Barry Cooper.
The Choral Sea takes place every second year. At each concert, selected choirs teach an item from their repertoire to be sung by the massed choir and this year, Sydney Trade Union Choir (STUC) chosen to teach a song.
The song, Bring out the Banners is a firm favourite of STUC and many of the other union choirs. In the tradition of songwriters like Woody Guthrie and Joe Hill, Sydney songwriter John Warner, set this rousing song of solidarity to a Methodist hymn-tune (See Amid the Winter Snow).
"The sound of all those voices raised in union song was quite overwhelming ", said Tom Bridges, STUC choir leader and conductor. "It makes all the effort of learning and practising worthwhile."
The other item performed by STUC members, this time, on their own, was, Peter Hicks' If it Weren't for the Union. Peter, an Australian songwriter, wrote the song to encourage workers to be active in their unions and its words resonate in today's environment.
It's our union, our union, defending our rights
But our union's as strong as our will is to fight
For the union is you and the union is me
So stand up and stand by our union.
"We felt very proud to represent the union movement at the Choral Sea" said MEU employee Kellie Stubbs. "It was especially good to walk down the centre of the Town Hall and up onto the stage carrying union banners and flags. I think we made quite an impression on the other choirs as well as the audience."
"The audience responded really favourably to our union songs and that gave STUC members a real buzz" she added.
STUC has been singing for unions and other progressive organisations for almost 10 years. It has performed on May Day, at National Folk Festivals, at union conferences, on picket lines and, most memorably, during the MUA dispute.
"We are very happy to perform for any union or group of workers," said Organising Centre trainer, Cathy Bloch. "And we are always looking for new choir members. You don't have to be able to read music. The only requirement is that you enjoy singing. We practise each Tuesday from 6pm to 8pm at the Transport Club in Regent St Broadway."
The choir can be contacted by ringing Cathy Bloch on 9264 9744.
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One of the paralympians is the patron of the Labor Council Youthsafe Committee, Heath Francis. Heath recently launched the Youthsafe Committee's resource kit for high schools.
Heath Francis
Heath Francis is 18 years old and is already one of Australia's best sprinters in both able bodied and amputee competitions. He is a member of a relay team currently ranked one in the world in the 4 x 400m and 4x 200m. Individually he has achieved a world ranking of two in the 400m sprint. In 1999 he broke the Australian record over 100m, 200m and 400m, was awarded Junior Male Paralympic Athlete of the year and also won the Pierre De Coubertin award for excellence in sport.
Heath was only seven years old when his arm was so badly injured in a meat mincer that doctors decided the best option for him was amputation. The meat mincer was located in the butchery which had been constructed on the family's grazing property.
This was the second trauma for his family. His father was killed in a work-related farming accident before he was born.
"We are so lucky to have Heath. I was only a few weeks pregnant when Heath's father was killed," says his mother, Margaret.
"To then have to deal with Heath's injury, also work-related, when he was so young, was almost too much to bear."
Heath is pleased to have the opportunity participate in a sponsorship program with WorkCover.
Farming properties are unusual in that they serve a dual purpose of workplace and family residence. Their safety systems need to take account of these factors. Children, spouses and visitors need to be protected as paid employees.
"After what's happened to my dad and to me, I'm really keen to have the opportunity of spreading the message on how easily and quickly accidents can happen," Heath said.
"I would really like people to understand the impact accidents have on an individual and the devastating effect they have on work colleagues involved at the time of the accident and on the victim's family."
Heath recently completed his HSC and is currently enrolled in a Bachelor of Business, Bachelor of Commerce degree at Newcastle University. Heath feels that the public speaking engagements he will be undertaking with WorkCover are a great introduction to the working world giving him invaluable experience while undertaking his studies.
Terry Giddy
Terry Giddy, already a bronze medal winner in shot put, will be competing at his 8th Paralympic Games this year. Terry was 15 years old when he became a paraplegic as a result of a tree felling accident.
Terry, like Heath, realises that his accident was not only a personal tragedy - it also had an enormous effect on his family. Terry's father and grandfather's livelihood was tree felling but from the day of Terry's accident, neither man ever stepped foot in the forest again.
Married for 22 years, Terry has three stepsons, a grandson and, as of early this year, a granddaughter.
Terry runs his own gymnasium that he has opened to the people of Kempsey. Both able bodied and people with disabilities train with Terry at his gym. Terry also works closely with physiotherapists to help people in rehabilitation. Terry is very active in the local community. He gives motivational talks to local schools, the Salvation Army, Lyons club and Rotary. Terry has been awarded the Advance Australia Award. One of his major passions is horse racing and one of his goals is to be a race commentator. As a hobby, he has dabbled in commentaries for BMX, motorbikes and speedboat racing.
When Terry first competed internationally it was in track events where he was placed 2nd in the 100m in 1972. It wasn't until some years later that his focus changed to the field events of Shot Put and Discus. In 1992 Terry threw a paralympic record in Discus and earlier this year Terry threw a personal best in shot put, 0.72 metres further than his bronze medal throw.
"When the Australian Paralympic Committee first approached me with details of the sponsorship program I was tentative to begin with," Terry said, "but then I realised that, by participating, I'd have opportunities to talk about my experiences and maybe help prevent other people suffering from work-related accidents".
"Since my accident a lot has been put behind me but with my involvement in the WorkCover program I have been reflecting a lot lately and am remembering things that I have buried for many years. I particularly remember the close shaves I had as a youngster and the feeling of immortality in escaping disaster. I hope that by sharing my story I might be instrumental in preventing an injury to someone who may have become complacent about safety on the job," says Terry.
Kahi Puru
Kahi Puru was just going about his daily chores when he was swept up by a forklift and dragged for several metres before the driver was alerted to the tragedy.
Kahi was rushed to hospital and received more than 100 units of blood in an initial operation. He was placed on life support but Doctors gave him little chance of surviving and advised his wife to agree to switch the life support unit off. Everyone involved thought that Kahi's life was over but, when the life support machine was switched off, Kahi miraculously took his first breath independently and from that moment he continued to make progress.
As a result of his accidnet, Kahi lost his left leg through the hip. Not one to let his accident get him down, Kahi took life head on and began a vigorous training schedule in powerlifting. In the few years Kahi has been training he has achieved a ranking of one in Australia and 7th in the world. He lifts in excess of 200kg. For those of you who find that hard to comprehend, imagine lifting about 50 4lt paint tins simultaneously or stacking about 10 cement bags and lifting them.
Prior to his accident Kahi was an up-and-coming 'all black' and as a team sport player Kahi is a strong believer in the power of team spirit and support.
"To keep a workplace safe it is so important to look out for each other and work closely with your manager as a team. If you are communicating openly and watching out for your mates, injuries shouldn't happen," says Kahi.
Since his injury Kahi says that he has re-evaluated his life and feels very lucky to be alive and well. Kahi, a devoted family man, chooses to spend his free time with his wife and four children - two of whom were born after his accident despite being told he would not have any more.
In agreeing to participate in the sponsorship program, he said, "I believe in the safety messages WorkCover delivers and I'm happy to have the opportunity to share my story with others".
"I would really like people out in the community to realise that what happened to me could also happen to them if they are not careful".
Mary Hawkins, Manager of the Workplace Injury Management Branch says, "These three paralympic athletes have overcome their injuries and built successful athletic careers. Their inspiring stories prove that motivation towards a realistic and worthwhile goal all help to minimise the impact of impairment. In a similar way, workers who resume work on selected duties following injury are productive, feel valued and are kept motivated and focused on their goal of recovery and a return to full employment".
How the sponsorship program could benefit your organisation
Your organisation may be holding a conference, seminar or other key event and you may be interested in inviting an athlete to come and speak at your event.
Mingling with athletes after a presentation gives people an opportunity to gain insight into the reality of the injured person's situation, making the message so much more compelling. The program is also an effective way of raising awareness of workplace safety issues and emphasising the importance of collective responsibility toward maintaining safe workplaces.
Heath, Kahi and Terry all have some engagements open if you are interested in booking them to speak at your event. Places are limited so preference will be given to an event with maximum coverage and exposure, particularly those that attract media attention.
If you would like to know more about the WorkCover Sponsorship Program of the Australian Paralympic Committee please contact Roslyn Harrison, Marketing Project Officer on (02) 9370 5786, email: [email protected]
What an excellent article "Employees forced into going slow" by Rod Smith , Sunday Telegraph 15,October. This article was on workplace harassment and its economic cost, unfortunately it done little but graze the tip of this surreptitious iceberg, and deserves more attention.(Workers online touched on this subject October 13).
Although there is extensive legislation covering all forms of harassment, with only a proof of probability required, rather than concrete evidence. It has been underutilized as in the Spirit of the legislation, and in some cases its use has been perverted to the extent of a "Star Chamber", inquisition style inquiry. With the only perceptible goal, being that of the excision of those who are heretics in the eyes of the offended organization.
One must also query - that with this effective legislation and the internal policies mirrored by most large companies and in particular, government bodies. Why is this harassment is permitted to continue? The reality is- it would be impossible for it to continue without the complicity of supervisory, management and/or Human Resource employees, under the duty of care imposed on all employees by the Occupational Health and Safety legislation.
Is it possible that management turns a blind eye, and is actually complicit in harassment, the concealment of, or the whitewashing of such behavior, in its efforts to conceal the level of its own incompetence? Or do we endorse systematic intimidation and harassment of our co-workers as rite of passage, in the ancient and honorable Australian Tradition of Bastardization?
Or as one Human Resource manager when questioned on his position and his employer's position rhetorically stated -
"Perhaps it is only the culture of the organization".
I doubt his employer would agree with this indifference.
It could be construed that on many occasions this legislation is misused by mischievous and/or malevolent organizations in their continued onslaught of malicious attacks on the majority of Australians, in the manner utilized by all colonial masters.
"Divide and Conquer"
The nemesis of this perversion is a niche that Unions should be capable of sliding into with ease!
Why is one forced into the legal system to seek what is a birthright "Human Dignity"
Tom Collins
It was 7 o'clock on the chilly Melbourne morning of September 11. 500 unionists, students, greenies and other activists were marching along city streets from Trades Hall down towards the Yarra River.. A modest crowd, but they were determined to let onlookers know what they were up to. So as they went they sang:
"Shut Crown Casino,
We're gonna shut Crown Casino,
(same tune as 'One Tony Lockett')
And shut it down they did. Because when lots of smaller crowds get together they form a gathering that can achieve all sorts of things.
This crew of mainly Sydney and Melbourne people joined about 20 000 others who all shutdown the World Economic Forum on S11. We had the numbers and there wasn't a lot the cops could do about.
It was really encouraging to see CFMEU members mixing with other workers, students, greenies, kids, political activists and plenty of your average punter off the street. All united and defiant in opposition to the super-rich and powerful who had managed to get in to the Casino overnight (and the other few hundred getting driven around for hours while the cops worked out how to get them inside).
It was also great to see Johnny Howard have to hitch a lift to the conference on a police rubber dinghy after they gave up on the road entrances. Bouncing across the murky Yarra waters, all rugged up agianst the cold wind and spray, his face all staunch and determined like he wasn't bothered.
Of course was there with Costello, Carr and the rest of them. Getting up close and personal with the worlds biggest bosses and bankers. What were they all doing?
Discussing how to run the world along their lines. Pushing the interests of multinational companies and big banks on to the governments of the world.
With the power of modern communications and through mergers among the biggest corporations, mulinationals are amassing mega power and wealth. And they get what they want. Whether it's their workers being forced into flexibility (giving up conditions) or politicians selling off valuable public assets. No doubt Carr got asked when our power industry will be up for sale to foreign banks like it has been in the other states. And even though they are making mega-profits you can't tax them for funding services like education, training and health. No, 'cause then they'll pull their money and put it in some poor country which is crying out for investment.
It is worse in poor countries. In Indonesia Multinational companies like Nike pay workers peanuts and export into Australia without having to pay any tariffs. If any one dares to try a bit of union action, Nike leans on the local cops to stamp it out. And people get badly hurt and wind up doing time. Think about that next time you're in Rebel Sport.
Typically there was a lot of bullshit in the papers and on the radio about the protests being violent. In 3 days I didn't see any protestor swing a punch or break a window. Sure we blocked off their conference but we had to do that to make our point.
The violence came on the second day when our numbers were down. The cops picked their time and went over the top, using excessive violence against us. In a sickening and gutless frenzy they cracked heads trying to clear a few hundred mainly young people who hardly fought back. The early mail is that a lot of them will be sued for this.
So what did S11 show about how people can take on the power and influence of multinational companies? Well don't look to the mainstream politicians, we know where they stand. Don't wait for thr media to explain the issues in a fair and balanced way, they are the multinationals.
As any trade unionist knows, you have to fight to win anything - really take the opposition on. And that's what the workers and people of the world will have to do in future if people like the World Economic Forum aren't going to keep getting it all their own way.
S11 was a good start. We raised the issues, got people talking and stuck it up them too boot. Wild. Should be more of it.
Dan Murphy
Typical of the union movement to call a great reformer like Peter Reith a "rorter".
Trade unionists and other long-suffering taxpayers must accept that there are now different standards for different classes of people. The dead hand of socialism - for that is what the Aussie tradition of a fair go really is - has passed its use by date.
As Peter pointed out, the letter of the regulations may have said that telecards and their PIN numbers could only be used personally by a member of Parliament but it was "common practice and custom" to allow staffers and even hotel receptionists to have them.
A "Common practice and custom" is very different from a rort. Only someone on a wage or salary can rort.
Politicians do not receive a wage or salary from the taxpayer - they receive remuneration.
Wages and working conditions for the low paid and powerless are set out in awards, and these must be stripped away if Australia is to remain internationally competitive. Factories can always be moved to where people are happy to work for a dollar or two a day.
Remuneration, on the other hand, is set by the Remuneration Tribunal, and every last detail of every perk and allowance for politicians must be set down in concrete by that body.
Trade Unionist will already know that to remain competitive, workers' wages must be set as low as possible. Executive salaries, too, must be internationally competitive but here the same competitive forces mean that executives need to receive generous packages. Those over a million dollars annually now are very internationally competitive. Without this, Australian industry would need to battle on with Australian CEO's rather than benefit from superior wisdom of Americans.
The Remuneration Tribunal, as befitting a body setting the financial rewards for our nation's leaders, realises that we must set politicians' pay in the same way our company boards set the remuneration for executives. Paypacket increases must always be far greater than those of any wage or salary earner.
Politicians receive generous superannuation to provide for a few luxuries in their retirement. After a full two terms as Minister, Peter would be entitled to have his super based on his Ministerial salary, sorry remuneration. He only has twelve months or so to go - and it would be a real pity if he missed out on these extra payments for life, probably valued at a million dollars or so, simply because he was forced from office early.
Peter has done so much for Industrial Relations, a grateful nation, and a more responsible trade union movement, should deny him nothing.
Noel Baxendell
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You currently have a government described as 'centre left'. Has this been beneficial to Italian unions?
In the last ten years the Left has been working with the unions through a principle of permanent consultation. With the Left now in the government, this has helped us raise our issues - although we do not agree with everything being done.
This relationship has been underlined by agreement on the process of entering the European Union and, particularly, an acceptance of the need for wage restraint to keep inflation down as the Euro is introduced. The Left wing has been part of a government that has pushed through the privatisation of nearly every public utility. On the other hand, it has given protection to those who work in the public sector and intervened on their behalf when the state pension scheme fell into crisis.
We have a lot of old people, as life expectancy increases, and this is creating a drain on the current workforce. We also have big unemployment problems, particularly in the South - coupled with a shortage in skilled IT workers. So there's a problem with training that the government has yet to come to terms with.
The government is now bound by directives from the European Union - they have to enforce sacrifices by the Italian people. The unions are officially supportive of the European Union - all three union bodies - but personally, many have doubts. There was a pact between the three union bodies to control salaries; but for journalists, for example, the employers are making increased profits and the workers are told they can't seek their share. Today, it is always the pact! Keep salaries low for the Euro, but the same restraint is not exercised by the media owners.
One of the interesting things about Italy is that one of your big media owners - Berlusconi - is actually a political player in Parliament. How does that effect his journalists?
Berlusconi is very correct in his dealings with the unions. He has accepted the contract we are currently negotiating before a lot of the other media groups, including agreement on new technology. On the three television news outlets that he has control over, the news directors have full independence. Also, he has a lot of journalists employed who belong to the Left wing, even though he is a major figure on the Right. What is more problematic is the issue of conflict of interest in media policy. How can you be a Member of Parliament and a media owner? This has concerned the Left, who are pushing for laws that separate these responsibilities.
What degree of diversity is there in the Italian media?
There are a lot of different groups. It is difficult to give a picture. In TV and newspapers there are different groups with different political orientations. For example, there are the Della Sera publications with implicit control from the Fiat Corporation, another linked to a construction firm. There are right-wing and left-wing. There is Berlusconi in TV and the public stations. The Communist Party newspaper, which closed down earlier this year, is about to recommence publications, although with a much smaller staff.
Is the Communist Party still strong?
The Communists have evolved into a Democratic Left party, part of the broader left grouping. It still has representatives in Parliament, but not in the same numbers. The demise came in 1992 with the Tangetopoli, a big corruption scandal that hit all the parties, but hurt the Communists and socialists in particular. That was the impetus for Berlusconi to create his political base, Forze Italia - in one moment he turned the system upside down. Forze Italia is now the dominant right-wing party; it is in partnership with Alliance Nazionale - the ex-fascists, at least they say they're ex-Fascists; the Christian Democrats and the Northern League who want to break from the South. As well as a lot of smaller right-wing groups. The point is that Berlusconi has provided them with a new identity under Force Italia, his own political party. On the Left we have just as many groups - the socialists, the PEE, the Communists and other smaller groups. In our Parliament we have 32 different political organisations! It is a problem.
Is there a recognition that the system is not working?
After 1992 we had a push to reduce these parties into two different groups; but we maintain proportional voting so smaller parties can get elected easily. This gives rise to confusion and allows small parties to bring down governments by shifting their allegiances. This makes it harder for government to carry out its agenda. There have been cases of senior ministers leaving the government and moving to the opposition. Tangetopoli exposed a lot of the problems with the Italian system, it exposed political corruption through all levels of government, Right and Left. There was an explanation: after World War II, Italy had elections for everything, from provincial and local government, to the power plant and the public hospital. But at the same time we had no tradition of political fundraising - it was forbidden. Hundreds of people were employed by political parties to run these elections, but where were the funds for these positions? Something had to give. The reality is that Italy suffers from an excess of democracy - too many elections, too many levels of authority.
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Williamstown High School and the Victoria University of Technology, TAFE Division (VUT) have entered into a partnership to provide an innovative curriculum for students of Williamstown High who see their future careers in the trades. This partnership has been made possible by a third party - the Electrical Trades Union of Victoria (ETU).
Members of the ETU made this Trades Orientation Program (TOP) possible by their contribution of $25,000 and their guarantee that an apprenticeship will be found for all students who successfully complete the Electrical pre-apprenticeship course. Students in TOP also receive support through the union's Apprenticeship Welfare Officer, Dave Kerin.
The scheme works like this. Students in Years 9 and 10 at Williamstown High are eligible to enter the program. Students selected must be at least 15 years and no older than 17. They should have literacy and numeracy skills to at least Level 5 of the Curriculum and Standards and they must demonstrate an interest in an aptitude for trades studies. Applicants must also demonstrate a capacity to take responsibility for personal, day-to-day organisation and for their interactions with other students and staff at the University. All studies are undertaken away from Williamstown High at three campuses of VUT.
Students take 20 hours of trade subjects and 10 hours of secondary education per week. In semester 1 all students get a taster of the Building Trades - Carpentry, Painting and Decorating, Sign Writing, Electrical /Electronics, Plumbing and Furniture Studies. In September 2 they sample Auto/Engineering - Motor Mechanics, Panel Beating, Vehicle Painting, Metal Fabrication and Welding. The secondary component is 3 hours of English, 3 hours of Mathematics and 4 hours of Job Search and Personal Development.
I spoke to a number of the boys and asked them if they had decided what trade areas they were interested in. They all knew exactly what they wanted. One student, Ross, told me he had left school at fifteen. He was unhappy with his job and decided to return to Williamstown High after a year in the workforce. Ross wants to be a plumber.
All the trade subjects are nationally accredited pre-apprenticeship modules. Students receive advanced standing in any future TAFE studies. Alan Dalton, Student Welfare Coordinator at Williamstown High, made it clear that there was nothing 'mickey-mouse' about these studies. Alan also insisted that this was not a program set up to meet behavioural problems. Rather, this was a program designed to meet the legitimate needs of students who felt that mainstream VCE courses were not for them.
A Certificate of Achievement is attained at the end of the course. Mort important are the options then available to the students. They can seek an apprenticeship, undertake a pre-apprenticeship course , seek employment, return to school to continue Year 10 or VCE or undertake further study at the VTU. Of the 12 students who completed the course in 1999, three gained apprenticeships, four entered full-time pre-apprenticeship studies, two found employment, two went back to school and one repeated TOP. At the time of writing seven of the twelve are apprentices.
TOP began in 1999 with 12 students selected. In 2000 there are 24 students. At this stage all are boys but this could change in 2001. Additional funding from the new Labor government in Victoria has been requested and this could boost numbers in 2001 and possibly see young women in the program.
Students selected must commit themselves to complete at least one semester of the two-semester or one-year program. A Joint Committee, chaired by Neville Penny, Head of Department, Plumbing, Paints and Signs, manages the program. Ms Liz Holland, a secondary English teacher employed by Williamstown High, is responsible for the operations of the program. Ms Holland teaches the English component of TOP and is assisted by another Williamstown High teacher, Hilary Snaize, who teaches Mathematics.
This cooperative effort demonstrates once again what is possible when secondary schools, universities and TAFE Colleges work with the wider community for the benefit of young people. The evidence here is that the students have become more self-reliant. They are confident about their work and in their ability to learn. They are happy to be working in an area that leads to a genuine career choice even though their study week involves five extra hours of class time than other Year 10 students.
For more details about TOP contact Alan Dalton, at Williamstown High on 9397 1899 or email [email protected]
Reproduced with permission from The Australian TAFE Teacher, Winter 2000, Australian Education Union.
by Andrew Casey
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Fiji Public Service Association general-secretary Rajeshwar Singh said the Qarase-Administration was painting a bleak picture of the economic situation to the public while at the same time was doling out a hefty salary to an elect few. He said the words and actions of the administration were contradictory.
"On one hand they are telling civil servants they don't have enough money. On the other hand they are paying huge sums of money to their ministers and Constitution Review Commission members," Mr Singh said.
The Fiji TUC has backed their public service affiliate with TUC leader, Felix Anthony, condemning as "disgraceful that the Interim Administration's Prime Minister and Ministers have increased their pay at a time when the vast majority of the workers and the people are suffering.
" The Interim Administration has lied to the people of Fiji that the Prime Minister and the Ministers have also taken the twelve percent pay cut recently imposed on public sector workers," Mr Anthony said.
Fiji media have reported that the Interim Prime Minister is being paid $95,596, his deputy is getting $75,851, the Attorney-General is receiving $72,102, the other ministers are receiving $70,103 and Assistant Ministers are taking home $49,110 - all per annum.
Rajeshwar Singh, from the PSA, said when this salary range was compared to that of the democratically elected Labour-led Coalition Government of Mahendra Chaudhry, the present Government could only be described as expensive.
"The poor civil servants are suffering. There is no justification for the 12.5 per cent pay cut." He said.
Those who served in the Chaudhry government received:
With a twelve percent pay cut the salary of the Prime Minister should be $78,871, the Deputy Prime Minister $68,266, the Attorney general $60,482, Ministers $58,467 and Assistant Ministers $38,809.
"This means that the Interim Administration has given itself a pay rise of twenty seven percent. When half the population is going hungry the Interim Administration has shown greed and selfishness," Mr Anthony said.
"If the Interim Administration was really honest and had the interest of the people at heart, then it should have foregone the parliamentary salary as they are presently not in the Parliament. The workers of Fiji have lost complete faith in the Interim Administration.
"Eight thousand workers have lost their jobs. Thousands more have suffered pay cuts. Thousands of children have dropped out of schools. Mothers and daughters are forced to resort to begging and prostitution. Hundreds have been made homeless. Many are going without meals. Yet the Administration has increased its pay with so much of silence.
"At a time when the people are suffering, the Interim Administration has thought of its own comfort and welfare. It is time that the people of Fiji realized the self-serving interest of the Ministers in the Interim Administration. They are there for themselves and not for the people. They are not accountable to anybody. If there was any degree of accountability and integrity then the Administration would not have dared to increase its pay in face of numerous adversities that the workers are facing.
" The Interim Administration is heading the country towards economic disaster and ruin," Felix Anthony concluded.
by Michael Gadiel
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This is the first of four campaign reports by Michael providing up to the week news and analysis on the Presidential race.
Arriving in Los Angeles, I had set foot, for the first time, in the "Land of Cheese". The world's, oldest democracy, the place that brought us the Internet, Bill & Monica, the Simpsons, Coke, truth, justice, and the great American way!
This Presidential Election is shaping up to be the closest since the 1960 Kennedy v Nixon race. The polls are putting the candidates, Vice-President Al Gore and Governor George W. Bush, neck and neck.
Unemployment is down to six percent. After six years of continuous economic expansion, largely driven by the new economy the US is in good shape. Conventional wisdom, given the position of the economy, would dictate a clear Gore victory, but there are a range of factors making this election more complex.
Gore is in a difficult position. He is trying to associate himself with the successes of the Clinton Administration, whilst disassociating himself from the sleeze factor. Gore's success in acheiving this and his performance at the Democratic Convention brought him back from behind, to equal Bush in the polls.
Unlike previous campaigns, economic performance is down the list of election priorities, making education and health the key issues with voters. Forward estimates are predicting massive budget surpluses, so Americans are focusing on the distribution benefits of their economic success. Both Gore and Bush have put forward their plans in these areas. Predictably, Gore's plans emphasize expansion of government programs, whilst Bush's policies focus on incentives and tax cuts to individuals. Bush also proposes a very large tax cut to middle and upper income earners.
Bush proposes a system for school education whereby parents may withdraw their children from public school and redeem a $1,500 education voucher from the government to put towards private schooling. Gore proposes greater funding and support for public schools. Bush's proposal is gaining little support because in practice, vouchers would not nearly cover the cost of private school fees, whilst at the same time would draw resources away from the public system. This proposal would seem to undermine the public schools without providing poorer families with any real options.
Both candidates need to win the State of Florida to obtain the Presidency. George Bush's brother, Jeb Bush, is the Governor of Florida, so it was initially expected that he would be able to deliver the State to his brother. But Florida has a high proportion of retirees, making health the major issue.
In health, Bush supports further benefits to individuals who have private health insurance similar to John Howard's private health rebate scheme. Gore promises to focus on the 15% of the population that have no health insurance. Both candidates propose a Patients' Bill of Rights. In particular, Gore proposes a program for prescription rebates, including full recovery of costs for elderly people earning less than $11,000. The health issue has allowed Gore to steal some of Bush's support in Florida. The Democrats generally have more credibility in the areas of health and education; indeed Gore's proposals seem to be more popular. The problem is his personality. The perception that he behaved agressively and condecendingly towards his opponent during the presidential debates has done him damage. Bush's homespun, folksy style seems to appeal to the American voter. Perversely, Gore's obvious command over the issues, and his intellectual domination over Bush are putting him at a disadvantage. Bush's fuzzy statements about small government and platitudes about bringing government back to the folks appear to be more in tune with public sentiment are we now feeling comfortable and relaxed?
With the possibility of the election going either way, it appears to be a choice between issues and personality. In the remaining nineteen days of the campaign Gore will try to focus on the issues and differentiate his polices from Bush's. Bush, in turn, will try to blur the differences, and put the focus back on Gore's personality.
With the debates concluded and the campaign reaching it's climax, voters are starting to make up their minds. The issues in this campaign are real but complex, Gore clearly has the advantage in this area, but as Samuel L Jackson said, "personality goes a long way".
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The thought of reporting life as a feminist in a blue-collar union dominated by men is a concept I've had to think about carefully. I come from a long line of hard-working men and women. Both my grandmothers worked for pay - one as a dressmaker and seamstress and the other as a children's nurse in an orphanage and eventually as a small businessperson. My mother has had a number of interesting jobs, from running businesses to social work. My father worked in a factory throughout my childhood and eventually went into the Commonwealth public service by topping the entrance exams.
Although I started working part time at 14, my first full-time job was just before my sixteenth birthday. I worked for a firm called Harris Scarfe Industrial, in the despatch office. So from an early age I got to know truck drivers and the sorts of pressures they suffer, not only on interstate jobs but also on local trips. Part of my job was to work out the different freight options for the various goods - flat steel to toilet systems! The other main task was to deal with complaints from customers, particularly those from the country.
In addition to working part time, I also went to Port Adelaide Girls Technical High School, which was considered to be a rough working-class school. Many of my fellow students were pregnant at 15 and spent their teens looking after siblings and their own children. Although I excelled in cooking, laundry, sport and drama, my grades in leaving were not too good. So I worked during the day and did a couple of fourth-year subjects at night school.
I was considered to be a promising worker at Harris Scarfe and a good shop steward. Even so I was not invited to do the industrial hardware course at night school. I was a female and there were no females doing the course - period. Outrage probably describes my feelings in response. It did spur me on to enrol for adult matriculation, however. My determination to enrol was sparked by my sense of outrage at the obvious gender inequalities creating obstacles for me in my working life. Around this time I had been sharing a house with my boyfriend, a politics student at university, and two other postgraduates. Two other things then happened, almost simultaneously, that had a huge impact on me. I received a copy of Simone De Beauvoir's The Second Sex and Germaine Greer's The Female Eunuch for my birthday. My mum also took me to a Women's Electoral Lobby meeting held at the Women's Liberation Building in the city. This was the beginning of my interest in organised politics - of both gender and class.
Reflections on working for the TWU
Nearly 20 years later I started working at the Transport Workers Union (TWU) as an industrial officer. The TWU head-hunted me to work as their industrial relations officer for South Australia and the Northern Territory. One of my credentials for the TWU job was that I had been a Port Tech Girl and brought up in the Port. I had the 'top' union industrial officer job and the TWU Secretary of the time said it was a bit of a coup for me to be working for them. Amazingly, the TWU job delegate from Harris Scarfe, Rocky, had retired from work and the delegate's position the week I started at the TWU. Rocky was delighted that I had started work at his union.
Working at the TWU made me realise how I had managed to attain middle-class achievements, aspirations and interests. Most of the university-educated officials were viewed in the union movement as yuppies and not entirely trustworthy. The major reason for this tension is the assumed class difference between people who can access higher education and those who can't. This has changed in recent times with the increasing need for 'in house' experts, especially lawyers. I had the experience of going to university, although I was the first person in the family to do so. Although it was difficult at the time, I also went through my tertiary education as an adult with other mature-age students. I'd been given the opportunity, thanks to the Whitlam Labor Government, to access the vast world of knowledge, debate and ideas. My colleagues seemed quite proud of me and often consulted me with regard to their children's and grandchildren's educational future.
'The sisters are watching you ...': language in the TWU
The TWU was real working-class territory; the language, the attitudes, the behaviours and the lifestyle of my union colleagues all brought me back to my background growing up in Port Adelaide. One of the first things that struck me coming to the TWU was the language used by the members and the officials. Most of the terminology I can't repeat - suffice to say the language was full of expletives, racist, homophobic and sexist colloquiums. In the beginning, the term 'luv' was a common form of address to me. It was a bit like being called 'comrade' - you don't have to remember the person's name. I decided to give a dispensation to members over 50 years of age and made my work colleagues address me as 'Steph' or 'comrade'.
Coming from the United Trades and Labour Council (UTLC), we'd been through the battles of using non-sexist and inclusive language. Most of the UTLC affiliates knew that the women staff would correct them if they dared to speak in a sexist manner. The game of trying to 'piss off' the women had long disappeared. 'The sisters are watching you ...' was a popular phrase amongst the female staff. This phrase even appeared as graffiti in the Trades Hall lift when it was suggested that the annual Mr Trades Hall quest needed to be rethought.
When I first became aware of the Mr Trades Hall quest, the Secretary of Actor's Equity and I were the only women in Trades Hall that weren't cleaners, clerical staff or bingo participants. All the industrial staff and secretaries of the Labor Party and the unions were men and eligible for the contest. My feelings on this topic were not entirely negative as it was great to see the union secretaries trying to get votes from the staff to win the coveted award. Valentine's Day was another event not to be missed at that workplace!
The issue of not swearing in front of me soon disappeared and gradually organisers agreed that they should use non-sexist language (at least while I or any of the other sisters were in earshot). A game then started where one of the organisers would ask me the non-sexist term for different things in an attempt to stump me; for example, the alternate title for fisherman or manhole or man-eater. I could handle the swearing so long as they used their own genitals as the swear word. This principle was adopted and became the informal policy of the branch.
One dispute really sticks in my mind when I reflect on this policy of 'using your own genitals'. It involved our members in the garbage industry who were on strike. The garbage was piling up and the public were very unsympathetic to our claim for health and safety improvements, including the prevention of needle stick injuries. Rubbish was dumped in the union office and the office staff abused by the depositors. Coincidentally, the television cameras were there to record the incident. We went to the Industrial Commission and the members were ordered back to work. The commissioner made it clear that if the members did not follow the order I, as the industrial officer conducting the case, the organiser and the yard delegates would be spending time in gaol. The thought of going to gaol caused great hilarity amongst the men as we walked out of the Commission. They said to me: 'At least we get to go to the same place. You'll be in the women's prison doing our laundry!' (In years gone by the women prisoners did the laundry for the male prisoners.) The next morning at 4am we met with the 200-odd members at the dump, the summer sun just rising on another stinking hot day, the aroma of three-week-old garbage hanging heavy in the air. The seagulls were squawking and the members, mostly 'runners', were there in their singlets, short, short shorts, sport shoes, wrap-around mirror sunglasses and smoking Holiday cigarettes and the odd joint. It was an amazing scene; the other organiser and I seemed to be the only people fully dressed. The senior job delegate (or shop steward) called the meeting to order. He said: 'I call this meeting to order and I remind you about TWU policy before we start. You can swear but you have to use your own genitals if you must swear. Some of you are real old women and wusses but judging from the showers you don't qualify to use the "c" word'. What was equally amazing was everyone nodded in agreement. Somehow I felt like I had achieved something. I never had any success with the 'old woman' insult or the 'darling' and the 'luv' but there seemed to be some recognition that language was an important issue.
Sexual preference was also a contentious issue in the TWU. The term 'poof' was constantly used as a swearword or insult, and there were endless discussions amongst most of the officials about whether a member was one or not. Like Queen Victoria, most of my colleagues, it seems, did not like to acknowledge that women may prefer women partners. During one memorable meeting, the ten branch officials were sitting discussing tactics for a 10 per cent wage campaign we were about to embark upon. Again the issue of a member's masculinity was discussed. He was described as a 'real girl's blouse', a 'pussy' and so forth, despite my protests at the inappropriateness of these comments. One of the older officials waded into the debate. He looked over his bifocals and said: 'There are ten of us in this room and statistics say that three out of every ten are homosexual. I can account for myself definitely being straight and I reckon Steph's OK. So that leaves eight of you.' The basic problem for me was how do you stand up to homophobia and sexism and still be accepted by your colleagues?
Huntin', shootin', fishin' and ... Surrealism
I was very aware that I didn't enjoy the same recreational activities as the other officials and I had little in common with the clerical staff. I remember being quite excited about being asked to represent the branch at the ACTU conference coming up in Sydney. The concept of being in the 'big smoke' for a few days meant I could go to the Surrealist exhibition in the New South Wales Art Gallery. Fortunately, I kept these thoughts and my passion for the arts to myself. My long-suffering colleagues did however usually come to any dramatic or trade union choir events in which I performed. For a while I followed the women's netball, cricket, hockey and squash. This meant that when the successes of the football, boxing or cricket were discussed amongst the male officials I could report on women in sport. This did eventually work as the officials' wives, daughters and women friends took up this argument too.
My other weakness was that I didn't kill things on the weekend. The TWU men maintained that one should be able to hunt and fish. They supported the licensing of guns and other regulations to protect against extinction of species and the protection of the environment. As they often pointed out, it only had been in this century that families have been able to survive without being directly involved in the growing, hunting and gathering of food on some level. (Indeed both my father and grandfather shot rabbits and fished to supplement the family larder.) While being responsible with regard to these activities, there was a healthy disrespect for rich people who owned some of these natural resources. Discussion centred on the maintenance of equipment, training of dogs and good spots for both fishing and hunting. The barbecues at work were great, particularly when freshly caught snapper, whiting and black duck were on the menu. I expect if I'd been a vegan I wouldn't have fitted in at all.
Contrary to the stereotype, it was very unusual for us to go to the pub. Sometimes we would have a light beer and a smoke after work in the meeting hall at the back of the building. Everyone was mindful of the fact that many TWU members were unable to drink alcohol, as by law they required a zero reading in order to do their job. The image of Jimmy Hoffa and the teamsters seemed very 'Hollywood' in comparison to this outfit. We all worked very long hours, anywhere between 60 and 70 hours per week. Unless you were away fishing or shooting, you were expected to be available seven days a week. This was, of course, worse for the organisers who were accessible 24 hours a day on their mobile telephones because TWU members rarely work between nine to five, Mondays to Fridays.
Organising women in blue-collar industries
The other big challenge for me as the only woman official was professional tactics, in particular how to achieve industrial success without having to use traditional 'boys' means. I was hardly in a position to threaten or even imply violence in my negotiations. Many of my colleagues had distinguished themselves in the Vietnam War, on the football field, in martial arts or in pub brawls. They looked tough, in one way or another, and had all endured a tough life. They were (and continue to be) strong men with a presence of physical toughness. Some were aided by their physical size in their professional approach, others by their tattoos. Then there was me. As I was quite often told, I couldn't even back a semi-trailer and as far as they knew I didn't have balls.
The other failing was that I didn't have an instinctive hatred of all bosses, police and public servants. I refused to treat someone as stupid just because they were on the other side, and I was rarely disparaging of others. Although not all blue-collar union officials are that rigid, nevertheless it was evident that my approach to negotiating with management was different to the norm. I can understand the position of many of my colleagues, however, and my understanding was helped by my own experiences. Both sides of my family came to Australia from England to improve their quality of life. I was raised not to be frightened of police or authority figures but to seek their assistance. All the women in my family are excellent negotiators. The experience of my family was very different to that of the other migrant families in our neighbourhood and the Aboriginal family a couple of doors up. These working-class families had legitimate fears that the police or the social workers would break up their family by putting them in gaol or taking the children away. This attitude was reflected in the workforce, where any decent conditions and wages had to be fought for by the workers and their unions. Although none of the TWU officials would ever recommend industrial action, the members saw the strategy of withdrawing their labour or putting on bans as an efficient negotiating tool. Having been directly involved in many industrial disputes I was also reluctant to support members' losing money on a line.
Women made up less than 1 per cent of the TWU members in South Australia and the Northern Territory. Once the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) deemed that airport catering crews were part of the airline industry and not liquor and hospitality, the numbers of women members increased from a handful to approximately 200. I tried to sign up women in both the mobile food van areas and an emerging industry called 'feminine hygiene'. More experienced officials warned me that these attempts at recruitment would end in tears. Nevertheless, through my efforts at recruitment, the branch won the first Augusta Zadow Award. Ms Zadow was the first (and up to about 1986 the only) woman factory inspector in South Australia.1 The winning submission set out an occupational health and safety program with regard to the mainly women drivers who went around collecting and delivering feminine hygiene products like sanitary napkins and nappy disposal units, soap dispensers, deodorant and room deodorisers. As the workers compensation advocate, I had received many calls about injuries and accidents from this line of work. Most of the callers had been non-members but still needed assistance in changing practices in their workplace.
The union response to my submission was along these lines:
Them: So what your saying, Steph, is you want us to assist in organising the sheilas that drive those tiny trucks that pick up used sanitary napkins and dirty nappies and spray that revolting 'rose' crap in women's dunnies?
Me: Yes. Have you got a problem with that?
Them: Fair enough.
Me: Remember that discussion we had about the use of the word 'chick' or 'bird' to describe a woman?
Them: Yeah, yeah. So now your going to say 'sheilas' is not acceptable? Tell you what - don't call us 'blokes' and we've got a deal.
Although there were some stark differences between my professional tactics and social habits and those of my male co-workers, I felt respected and liked by TWU members and other organisers. I think this was because I was an excellent industrial officer and achieved good results for the union by doing my homework and putting in very long hours. All in all, with humour, creativity and perseverance, I was able to change, albeit in small ways, the behaviour of my male colleagues in the TWU. It was those 'small' victories - over sexist language and organising women in the feminine hygiene industry - that made me feel like I had achieved something. And the respect and good humour was mutual - in some ways their bark was worse than their bite. As an organiser for a blue-collar union with a strong working-class culture and ethos, I was successful because I never forgot where I'd come from but I also refused to disregard the skills and knowledge I had subsequently obtained.
This is a chapter from Party Girls, Labor Women Now, Edited by Kate Deverall, Rebecca Huntley, Penny Sharpe and Jo Tilly, published by PlutoPress.
by The Chaser
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The cards come with the warning "Highly Transferable" and "To be given to others, especially if they are related to you, living with you, or have once met or had anything to do with you".
The conditions attached to the card however, do not apply if you have a low-paid job under a standard enterprise bargaining agreement or individual contract. Under those circumstances, the card costs you your job.
by Neale Towart
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Recent research shows that the health gap in Australia has widened in the past two decades. This gap is between high and low income earners, where research also shows an increase in inequality. With mutual obligation for social security recipients becoming a clarion call from government and commentators, the pressures on low-income earners is increasing, and their income levels and health status look like declining.
Agnes Walker from the National Centre for Social and Economic Modelling (NATSEM) has produced a discussion paper aimed at working out the methodologies in measuring the health gap between low-income earners and other Australians. She emphasises the methodological difficulties involved and questions the traditional approaches to analysing this question used by health economists.
She asks if the gap has widened and if the gap reflects shifts in income inequality. The gap is related to relative income levels, not absolute income levels and can be observed in developing countries as well as in developed countries such as Australia.
The study broke family income groups into five ranging from most disadvantaged to least disadvantaged. The incomes were looked at 4 different points across time between 1977 and 1995 to assess how the incomes related to health care use at different points in a lifetime. The overall results support previous studies that show visits to doctors were higher for low-income people. The study shows the biggest health gap between the two lowest income groups and the next group up the income range. The study found that 40% (the two lowest income groups in the study) had similar, quite poor health. Some may find this figure too high but around 30% or Australian families depend on government benefits as the principal source of income, and these families tend to be the largest and the oldest.
The health status worsened over two decades for low -income people. The number of serious short-term conditions experienced increased by 62% for the low-income groups. The gap in the number of serious short-term conditions reported by low-income groups compared to high income Australians increased from 29% in 1983 to 45% in 1995. Part of this may be due to the increased knowledge of health issues and a greater willingness and ability to seek treatment because of increased health education and the advent of Medicare in that time.
The rise in income inequality since the end of the period in Walkers' study might lead to an even greater health gap. In their annual Social Trends publication, the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) chart trends in income inequality of wage and salary earners since 1985. The earnings of full time employees at the lower income levels rose by far less than those in the middle and top end. The earnings at the top rose more than the income of those in the middle. Harding and Richardson from NATSEM in an earlier study found that the social welfare system had acted to prevent an increase in inequality between 1982 and 1993-4. The ABS article (contributed by Peter Saunders from the Social Policy Research Centre at UNSW) looks only at wage and salary earnings.
The story for low-income earners in the private sector is worse, with income for those in the lowest earnings category dropping in real terms between 1985 and 1998. Those in the top earnings category enjoyed an average 20% increase. In the public sector the differential was far smaller, with those at the bottom end receiving a real increase of 8%, and those at the top 6.5%.
The apparent boom in salaries for corporate executives is also reflected in the comparative public private sector earnings. In 1985 in the 99th decile earnings range (ie the very top) public sector salaries were 8% higher than the private sector. In 1998 this was reversed and the private sector earnings were 9% ahead.
The differential between male and female earnings increased over the period as well. The increase in female employment in casual and part time lower paid work was reflected in the decline in the differential between low paid male and female workers.
These statistics show that the poor are getting poorer, relative to "the big end of town" who reward themselves with salary increases and share allocations with each decline in staff levels and company profits. The government refuses to criticise corporate greed, but loudly calls for the poor, who depend on the social security system to maintain their lives, to accept that they have no rights to support unless also accept that they have obligations to work for that welfare. The attacks on welfare recipient sin the cause of budgetary savings are likely to impact directly on income inequality and the health gap.
Pamela Kinnear, in a paper for The Australia Institute (TAI), questions the morality and ethics of Mutual Obligation policies. Here argument is based around the idea of a social contract.
John Rawls, a theorist of justice, argues that individuals have obligations only when two conditions apply - society's institutions must be just, and individuals must have freely accepted the benefits provided by society.
Kinnear questions whether the circumstances that give rise to unemployment and welfare dependency just (no they are not). She also questions whether those who accept benefits have a choice. There are no meaningful alternatives for many of those on benefits such as the profoundly disabled and the aged. The imposition of mutual obligation requirements on the unemployed assumes they have exercised a degree of control over their situation. In a modern economy with massive changes occurring in its structure, there is no real alternative for those who are unemployed.
Kinnear begins by outlining how the mutual obligation trend was begun by the Hawke-Keating governments and the Social Security Review. The Working Nation policy of 1994 was the start of the use of the term reciprocal obligation, with the Jobs Compact at its core. The difference for the ALP was that reciprocal obligation put the onus on the government to provide guaranteed employment.
Whilst the ALP was guilty of seeking headlines by "cracking down on welfare cheats", the Coalition has tightened the noose for the unemployed, chiefly in the same cause, budgetary savings, not to help the needy find work. This appeal to the taxpayer (you have rights as a citizen only if you pay tax it seems, or if you make enough money to be able to afford to avoid tax) to help crack down on "cheats" so your money is not wasted is seen as a vote winner. Hence the ALP in opposition remains quiet about the trends in welfare.
Kinnear argues that other concerns also motivate taxpayers, such as the belief that their should be jobs available for those that want them, and that welfare shouldn't create the poverty traps that it was introduced to avoid. Noel Pearson, much misrepresented, was making this point in his criticism of the welfare system. Kinnear sets out some guidelines for approaching mutual obligation with the principle that policies are based on the ethic of support and compassion. The approach at the moment requires recipients to prove they are not guilty of "bludging". The data on health and income outlined above shows that life on low incomes is not the comfortable free ride that Tony Abbott, the comfortably well off Minister, seems to think it is. The guidelines are:
Certainly the last of these could potentially have the biggest impact and cause the biggest outcry from those who support crackdowns on the unemployed, the extent of public support for business welfare being what it is.
One example of a recommendation of the extension of the mutual obligation concept beyond welfare comes from Toyne and Farley in their work on Landcare. The funding for landholders should be conditional it being used for sustainable land use and be independently verifiable. How would the many investment subsidies, tax write-offs, research and development tax concessions far with similar criteria?
Kinnear's paper was published before the McClure Report, the latest review of the welfare system, was finalised, but she was aware of the direction being taken. John Hinkson, in Suffer Those Who Are Surplus, sees it as another plank in the economic rationalisation of all public institutions, and the conversion of all aspects of society to market based solutions.
Hinkson notes that with the cry for those on welfare to have mutual obligations, in most areas of society such obligations are declining. The tax revolt of the rich over the past twenty years is perhaps the great example here.
Social participation should occur, but the McClure report is not asking why people are not participating or why it has become so difficult to do so. Welfare reformers demand that people participate, but they don't connect this to Kinnear's guidelines of requiring the government and society itself to provide the conditions where people can do so.
That people do socially participate and are aware of obligations was illustrated strongly in a previous ABS study on work in Selected Cultural/Leisure Activities 1998-99 (see Workers Online no. 48 http://workers.labor.net.au/48/c_historicalfeature_free.html for a discussion of this). This illustrated the huge amounts of volunteer work that goes on to sustain communities and cultural institutions. The Olympic volunteer effort, as pointed out by the editor a couple of weeks ago, also illustrated this sense of society. Participation is by people who are able to participate because of a surety of their place in the community. The obligations are internalised, not bureaucratically imposed. Mutuality and participation are what make op the social fabric, whilst the blame the individual approach of welfare reformers and other budgetary hawks actively seek to tear that fabric apart.
Material referred to in this article:
Agnes Walker: Measuring the Health Gap between Low Income and Other Australians, 1977 to 1995: Methodological Issues. NATSEM discussion paper no. 50, August 2000 http://www.natsem.canberra.edu.au/
Peter Saunders: Trends in Earnings Distribution; in, Australian Bureau of Statistics: Australian Social Trends 2000, ABS catalogue no. 4102.0
Sue Richardson and Ann Harding: Low Wages and the Distribution of Family Income in Australia. NATSEM discussion paper no. 33, September 1998
Pamela Kinnear: Mutual Obligation: Ethical and Social Implications. The Australia Institute discussion paper no. 32, August 2000 http://www.tai.org.au/
John Hinkson: Suffer Those Who Are Surplus. Arena magazine; no. 49, October/November 2000) http://home.vicnet.net.au/~arena/
Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS): Work in Selected Cultural/Leisure Activities 1998-1999
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In Italy's diverse media, L'Unita had been the voice of the Left since it was founded by the Communist Party in the 1920's. That was until this July when the weight of debt and falling readership finally halted the presses. Three months later, a group of investors have come forward with a plan to relaunch l'Unita with a drastically reduced staff and a broader left perspective. Both these changes are significant shifts - before its crash as many political operatives as actual journalists were on the L'Unita staff; and their influence on the final output was seen as a negative. Interestingly, the new focus is to be the New Economy - where there is seen to be a lack of critical analysis amidst the gushing profit forecasts of the financial press. What the new backers are now banking on is that there if they get the settings right, there is still a market for an overtly progressive political daily.
Only in Italy? There's no doubt that this is a country of extremes - in media and politics and any other field of endeavour you care to name. More than a dozen major dailies grace the newstands, reporting on a political system that suffers legenadary instability as the phalanx of minor parties that make up the political landscape routinely shift allegiances. From the extreme right, to the Communists, proportional representation is the saviour of diversity and, at the same time, the enemy of the sort of political certainty that global markets demand. And the diversity extends to the trade union movement, where three separate bodies - linked to different sections of the Left, purport to talk for workers. There is a grand fragility to Italian existence, a passion for daily life that can easily give way to excessiveness.
Likewise, the politics, where debates rage with all the discipline of a vino-fuelled polemic across the dining table. On the Left, activists want to ban McDonalds (like their French brethren) - marking World Food Day with protests outside the Golden Arches where polenta and red wine were handed out to customers - the health argument fusing with a simmering anti-Americanism. On the Right, there is the Northern League, which wants to throw Italy's south out of the Republic and stages anti-Muslim rallies in the Lombard towns that are their political stronghold. The difference with a country like Australia, is that these are not just voices from the left field, they are alternatively members of the government and opposition. At the centre, sitting closer together than many of their political allies, are the leaders of the two major political groupings - the Democratic Left, currently in power, and Silvio Berlusoni's Forza Italia, which has replaced the once great Christian Democrats as the dominant right-wing party. Berlesconi is routinely forced to distance himself from the extremism of the Northerners, while PM Amato has been decrying the 'Suslovs' of the Left (Stalin's chief propagandist) for blocking privatisations and the reform of the pension scheme. This leaves both major coalitions in a state of permament fragility.
There are many in Italy who would like to see the discipline the new owners of L'Unita are demanding, shift through to the actual political players as well. Their major political challenge at the moment is, like most other European nations, financial integration and a common currency. While there is official bipartisan support for integration in Italy and agreement by all three union bodies that wages will be held steady to control inflation to help position Italy best for the Euro, waves of snap strikes in education, transport, even the media - show that all are not happy with the so-called 'pact'. Unions are also being called on to publicly campaign for racial tolerance, against rising tides of racism directed at the increasing numbers of African and Eastern European economic refugees. Put together, the picture is one of resigned acceptance to integration, with significant resentment of the costs involved.
As an outsider, walking around the towns and cities, you get the feeling this is a country which is not yet at ease with its place in the 21st century. This is a place that dominated the first millenium, and through the Catholic Church was a major player in the second. But what of this new era - where Italy will be a component part of a larger, aspirant super power? If there's one thing in Italy's favour, it is that this political fragmentation that so frustrates and obstructs, will now serve the national interest by providing the forums for these doubts to be fully explored. At times of major change, the last thing a country needs is a homogenous voice imposing the one vision on the people. Dissenting voices are an escape valve.
In this context, a paper like L'Unita is not just an important voice for the Left, it is an asset for all Italians.
by Joe McLoughlin
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There are surreal and vividly real elements to the latest trans-Tasman shambles.
It is hard to think of anything more Pythonesque than a tycoon taking over a footy club, racking his brains for the right man to convince players they should take substantial pay cuts and coming to the conclusion that Matthew Ridge fits the bill.
Perhaps new owner Eric Watson, a 42-year-old with a personal fortune of over $200 million, is a proponent of the "it takes a thief to catch a thief" school of management.
After all, this is the same Matthew Ridge who championed Super League so loud and long a few short years back. Armed with a contract in excess of $600,000 he returned to Auckland and played a not inconsequential role in sending the previous owners to the wall.
Now he's got the bare-faced cheek to tell current players they have to take cuts in the interests of the game - true, but glaringly incosistent.
Other worries about Ridge centre on his complete lack of involvement or even interest with grassroots Kiwi football. Reports that he has Bob Fulton - the great Bonzo - lined up for a consultancy role, and is chasing an untried Australian coach suggest Watson's club will tread the same path to ruin as its predecessors.
Essentially, the Warriors have never established a genuinely Auckland operation. Driven by a lack of cultural and footballing confidence they have fallen halfway between Australian professionalism and Kiwi flair, landing about 1000km out to sea and sinking faster than the Titanic.
The way Watson got his hands on the Warriors franchise is very interesting. Apparently, he didn't pay a zac for his 75 percent share and all he bought was the assets - the NRL license, some office and gym equipment. What he insisted he wasn't going to buy was any responsibility for existing players or staff.
Thus we return to the players and their World Cup threat.
Players around Australia are right to be concerned because the whole deal was signed off on by NRL head honco David Moffett.
With an absolute need to get player payments down around the competition and other clubs teetering on the brink of doing a Warriors, it is a precedent that might well be repeated.
There are, of course, some other questions of Moffett and the NRL raised by their endorsement of the Auckland takeover...
Finally, Moffo, when your highly-paid briefs were trying to convince the High Court, just a few weeks ago, that Souths deserved to be punted because they were poorly managed in comparison to other franchises, which world were they operating in - real or surreal?
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New LaborNET sites launched
Social Change Online has been busy recently with the launching of two new union sites recently:
The Rail, Tram & Bus Union - Bus & Tram Division (NSW) has launched it's new website at http://www.rtbu.labor.net.au and the Australian Services Union (NSW Clerical Branch) has launched it's at http://www.asuclerical-nsw.asn.au.
UNISON
UNISON the UK's Public Service Union is Britain's largest union and has been the leading light in the international labour movement in terms of information technology. UNISON several years ago was faced with a declining membership and financial difficulties the leadership, realising that the union needed a massive overhaul, changed the focus of the union to organising and as a part of that shift also recognised the huge potential of the internet in communicating with their membership.
The Unions' website located at http://www.unison.org.uk was just one part of their own mini "Information Revolution". They now provide free internet access to their membership through "unisonfree.net" and have set an email network for their delegates and members. They were also the first union to set up a call centre "UnisonDIRECT" which now deals with an average 1,500 calls weekly. Currently a plan is being put into place where organisers will be armed with palm pilots which when a query goes through to the call centre a message will be sent to the organiser who will then deal with the issue.
Their website has lots of information concerning their IT strategy and the general direction of the union, so its well worth checking out.
Site of the Week - an oldie but a goodie
The Australian Liquor, Hospitality & Miscellaneous Workers Union (LHMU) site located at http://www.lhmu.org.au was one of the original LaborNET sites and still continues to lead the way in online union communications. Whilst the site is looking a bit old and could do with a bit of a facelift it's content is still being update regularly and a recent innovation in the form of Message Boards has given the site a breath of new life, well worth checking out.
God Bless America
With the Olympics over the world now looks to the next media orgy to be served up by the American publicity machine, that being the US Presidential Election with this in mind I though Australian readers (or even Canadians) may appreciate this site aptly named "Things that piss me off about America" http://www.geocities.com/amerrycancan/.
If you have any sites you want Paul to review or you think should be in the LaborNET Links section email him at [email protected].
To each according to his needs, from each according to his Ministerial connections seems to be the motto of the Adelaide-Melbourne establishments - a blue blood version of socialism, financed, of course, by you know who.
The ReithCard plot thickened this week when the daughter of a wealthy, Rolls-Royce driving Adelaide doctor fessed up to being the Miss X in the investigation (the third or the fifth?) into how 11,000 calls, from Kooyong to Singapore to Helsinki were made on our Minister For Destroying Workplace Relations' phonecard.
Spunky Ingrid Odgers - see page three of Thursday's Daily Terror, pretty well all of page three - raised the ante when she charged out of anonymity after Reith Senior, the self righteous one, started tossing the word fraudulent around. (Hope that house Hudson Conway flicked him ain't made of glass!)
Ingrid stuck to her guns and repeated her version of events - that Paul Reith had given her the pin number for the card and told her to use it whenever she liked. This is, by a long way, a more plausible explanation than anything the dual tool team has come up with. i.e. A hotel worker nicked it. (That would be Tool Senior - blame a worker.) Or she stole it. (Out of his brain? The X-file explanation.)
Ingrid also came up with another pearler.
'When I lived in the house with Paul Reith he would always show off. At one stage he said he wanted to get his father's private jet to fly him and me back to Adelaide for my 21st,' Ingrid tells us.
Tool Junior was only 20 at the time and Ingrid, well Ingrid looks like Ingrid, so this gem of evidence has a ring of authenticity about it too.
Since this story broke in the Canberra Times early last week Tool Senior has rolled out every trick in his repertoire - dissembling, obfuscation, fudging and outright lying. From the beginning he's treated all Australians like they were a pack of mugs as he tried to talk his way out of the wreckage. It has been a week of peek-a-boo for the Australian public into a very nasty psyche the trade union movement knows only too well.
There is one salient fact in this whole affair that should have been enough for him to lose his ministerial head immediately. He broke the guidelines and probably the law by giving the card details to his son in the first place. What followed is irony and theatre.
This slow, agonizing political death is exactly what Reith deserves.
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