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Issue No. 126 | 01 March 2002 |
I Don�t Like Sprouts
Interview: Clean Hands Corporate: Out of Asia Unions: Tears, Real And Crocodile, At The Ansett Wake Economics: Labour�s Capital: Individual Or Collective? History: Mardi Gras: The Biggest Labour Festival? International: Driving A Hard Bargain Review: In Bed With a Sub-Machine Gun Satire: Whitlam Forgives Kerr: "At Least He Didn't Dismiss A Rape Victim" Poetry: Dear Mother
Some Light Reflects Off Ansett Net Porn Highlights Privacy Lag Mad Monk To Float Down Oxford Street Govt Breaches Its Own Guidelines Sartor Policies Irk Council Workers Service Fee Push Hots Up in Qld Casino Workers Show Their Hands Hotel Bosses Have Full House But Cry Poor Airport Screeners Win Training Rights CFMEU Korean Activist Honoured Support For Fijian Union Battle
The Soapbox The Locker Room Week in Review
Well Done, Splitter Repeating History
Labor Council of NSW |
Letters to the Editor More on Harry Bridges
Harry Bridges was a great fighter for US workers, and this naturally made him very unpopular with US governments and security agencies. During WWII he was directly accused of sabotaging the war effort because of his communism (even at the time the Soviet Union was facing the might of Nazi forces). The US had been trying to deport Harry for years before this. Harry eventually came to an agreement with authorities on the war effort, as detailed in the biography by Charles P. Larrowe (New York: Lawrence Hill, 1972) A bit more about how this agreement came about is in Alexander Cockburn and Jeff St Clair's White Out: the CIA, Drugs and the Press (Verso, 1998). The book details the leading role the CIA has played in the increase in illicit drug trading throughout the world since WWII. Harry was hit in the early stages of US intelligence agencies hooking up with the worst elements of any society to further their version of "the national interest." The US was concerned about sabotage on the docks during the war, and immigrant labourers were suspected of assisting the Germans and the Italians with information about ship movements. At the time Lucky Luciano was a resident of a high security US prison, and the Office of Naval Intelligence (ONA) had the bright idea of using him to stop the sabotage. Whilst Lucky was still in prison, he still controlled a large chunk of US organised crime, which at the time was extending the drug business. Luciano had made three attempts to win clemency up to 1942, but he got the word out that he was willing to help the ONI. This bore fruit and he was moved to a lower security prison where he was regularly visited by his trusted lieutenants Meyer Lansky and Joey Lanza and they worked out how to handle the docks. Many other Mafia commanders made the trip to his prison "so that the inmate might assist the war effort" as the commissioner of prisons put it. The navy was worried not just about sabotage, but about more traditional US administration concerns - strikes and organising efforts on the docks that Harry was co-ordinating. Harry was "encouraging dockworkers to leave the mob-infested International Longshoremen's Association and join his International Longshoremen and Warehousemen's Union. The ONI and the Mob knew Harry as Brooklyn Bridge. A taped conversation between Lanza and Haffenden (from ONI). Haffenden: How about the Brooklyn Bridge thing? Lanza: Nothing on that Haffenden: I don't want any trouble on the waterfront during the crucial times. Lanza: You won't have any. I'll see to that. I'll give you a ring. We'll get together. Harry's strike was duly broken by the Mob. When Harry came to an organising rally in New York City shortly after, Lanza handled matters personally. "I had a fight with him, I belted him, and that was that." "Between 1942 and 1946 there were 26 unsolved murders of labour organisers and dockworkers, presumed murdered and dumped in the river by the Mafia, working in collusion with Naval Intelligence. The eventual outcome of Luciano's support for the war effort was his return to Sicily to take control of the whole island pretty much after World War II, with US backing, again to stop post-war communism, and thus ensuring the mafia kept control and expanded the drug trade and other illegal activities. Cockburn and St Clair outline this, as does Peter Robb in his terrific Midnight in Sicily (Duffy & Snellgrove, 1998). Of course, some of the main targets of Luciano's associates in Sicily were communist organisers who were trying get land reform and improve the lot of peasants in Sicily. Harry was criticised by dockers for his compromises on conditions for workers during the war. Being a committed communist, his approach followed the fortunes of the Soviet Union, and thus was a wholehearted supporter of war against the Nazis after the invasion. This was not a popular position when he was arguing for an increase in productivity without an appropriate pay increase. However, being a communist in the US didn't any easier. His major efforts were on the Pacific Coast of the US, where despite his support of productivity surges, he was always seen as a communist first and foremost, not a patriot. Neale Towart
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