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| Issue No 112 | 21 September 2001 | |
InterviewExit InterviewInterview with Peter Lewis
Michael Costa looks back at his 14 years with the Labor Council to chart the highs, the lows and the bits in between.
What sort of shape do you think you have left the union movement in? I think the Labor Council is in very good shape. Certainly financially it is in the best shape that it has ever been. I think politically it has strong relationships with both employers, government and other stakeholders. Industrially, I think we are struggling outside the public sector in line with the difficulties the union movement is facing at a national level. But overall, I think the Labor Council today is probably in a stronger position than it was five years ago. How difficult for you has it been to leave right in the middle of the workers compensation furore? Very difficult. I would love to have seen it through. But I chose a strategic point to leave when we had the agreement with the Government, and ensured that there was a proper transition to the new leadership. I think that was appropriate in the circumstances. I hope that we can sort out workers comp. It is a core issue for both the labour movement in its industrial form, but also in its political form, and we really do need to have some sensible negotiations with a sensible outcome. How would you have reacted in the situation that the MPs you are joining now faced, of being asked to cross a union picket line? How would you have handled that situation? I think that was a black day for both the industrial and political wing of the labour movement. It should have been handled in a different manner. It wasn't. I prefer not to dwell on it. What do you think needs to happen to heal the wounds from that day, and what role can you play as someone that is moving from the industrial to the political wing of the Party? Well, I am certainly available if people want me to play a role, but that is really up to the Premier and to the Labor Council Secretary to determine that. I suppose the role I can play is to talk about the issues informally with my colleagues so that they have an appreciation of the concerns of the industrial wing, and also reciprocate that in terms of talking to the industrial wing about the obvious concerns the government has about the deficit. You have spoken in the past about the importance of having people with union backgrounds in the Labor government. What do you see you bringing in particular to the Carr government in that regard? I don't want to limit my contribution to the Carr government to my union background. I think I am much broader than just being a trade unionist. But it is certainly true that I believe there ought to be a reasonable representation within Labor Parties and Labor governments of people with trade union background. I think what they bring is an understanding of those core issues that working people see as being important. They also bring a degree of managerial experience and human resource experience that I think governments require, particularly in their early periods, because the task of the government is a task of managing resources and there are good ways to do that and bad ways, and certainly union officials have seen the bad ways and the good and I think that experience is important. Personally I believe I bring more to the government. My interest has always been to do with economic policy and certainly that is the area I will be focusing on. How much has the union movement changed from the time that you joined the Labor Council in the mid-eighties? The union movement has changed dramatically in the last decade. I joined the Labor Council in the middle of the Accord period. It was a terrible period for the trade union movement. Whilst there was the perception of power at one level, the actual influence of delegates and rank and file people within the movement was minimal and in fact I would argue that the roots to our rapid decline have their source in the Accord period, and I have argued that publicly. Certainly there are structural factors that account for the circumstances that led to the decline, but the rate of decline - the rapid rate of decline in that period - I think had a lot to do with the Accord and the amalgamation process. Today we see a union movement that whilst it is struggling in terms of maintaining membership levels, is engaged in a very important process - probably a decade long process - on re-orientating itself. Rebuilding its structures at the workplace; retraining its personnel; and re-strategising. I think that is all very positive. I think the union movement is in a very positive position because it is going through this process. And do you think it is equipped to deal with those challenges? I think certain sections are. I think that it is very uneven, as it always is in these areas, and it really requires some strong leadership. There has been talk in recent times - I know you have spoken about it yourself - about the changing nature of the factional system - and there has been some talk of the Left and the Right factions collapsing and the industrial faction emerging. Do you see on that occurring? I don't know about an industrial faction. I certainly believe that the factional system has been eroding over at least the last decade, and certainly that erosion has accelerated in recent times, particularly in the industrial wing. In terms of the political side, I think factions as I have criticized them in the past only play a role in terms of sharing power amongst people. They have really no ideological content and that to me is positive, although that means the structures that are a hangover from the Cold War organization of the trade union movement need to be re-adjusted into the future. In terms of industrial, I think the trade unions - focussing more on their core concerns and their industrial concerns have certainly put a greater industrial voice, rather than industrial faction. And I believe that greater industrial voice is actually helping. Helping the unions and also helpful for Labor to define its position in terms of industrial relations and broader social issues, against a more activist voice of the labour movement. Looking back on your time with the unions, what do you view as your greatest achievement? The greatest achievement is very difficult. I would break it up into probably two areas. I am very pleased that I leave the Labor Council in a strong financial position. I believe that without appropriate resources it is very difficult to have a strong voice, and that is very pleasing. But I suppose my greatest achievement is that I have been able to help individual affiliates and at times - you don't often get the opportunity at Labor Council - to help specific union members with their problems. I love being involved in wage negotiations and solving potentially difficult industrial disputes. I am really going to miss that but I enjoyed that part of the job the most. Any disputes stand out? I'll never forget the Franklin's dispute. That was a very difficult dispute and we certainly did resolve that. That certainly does stand out. But the whole recent wage round in the public sector I think was handled professionally. We took a decision to centralize negotiations and work through a framework and I think that was a very responsible approach to the problem and I think the outcome was a reasonable outcome in the circumstances. So it is very hard to say what the highlights are, but I would add that another opportunity the Labor Council presents, is the ability to find yourself in circumstances and in opportunities to meet people from a variety of backgrounds, and I have enjoyed meeting the various trade union officials from all over the world that have struggled with very similar problems. And regrets? I would have liked the workers comp. dispute to have been on a little bit earlier. I would have liked to have seen it through to the end. What about parting words of advice to the union movement? My parting words are simple: Listen to the membership. Focus on their issues - even when they appear to conflict with what we regard as traditional trade union principles - and ensure that the movement is one that reflects the interests of those that we argue that we represent.
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Michael Costa looks back at his 14 years with the Labor Council to chart the highs, the lows and the bits in between. In his Maiden Speech, delivered this week, Costa gave vent to his views on immigration, Marx, globalisation and mental health. Co-conspirator and 'intellectual soulmate' Mark Duffy recounts the legendary 'Leaked Paper' Affair and how its predictions soon came to pass. Former secretary Michael Easson argues that Costa was instrumental in redefining the factional balance in NSW in the wake of the Cold War. Neale Towart trawls the collected works of Michael Costa and looks at his love-hate affair with Marx. Naomi Steer - the first left-winger to work at Labor Council in decades - recalls how she discovered the real Michael in a Karaoke lounge. Former Premier Barrie Unsworth argues Costa enters Parliament as the best qualified Labor Council leader ever to make the transition. Costa's predecessor Peter Sams argues that behind the bluff facade lay a loyal and caring friend. Chris Christodoulou recounts how Costa convinced him to cross the factional divide and take up residence in Sussex Street. Long-time sparring partner, Peter Botsman submits this lyrical tribute to Costa's career.
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